Many leaders of the country and leaders of the resistance and a large number of the people of Libya to migrate to neighboring countries because of the policy of fascist and arbitrary, and there are large Libyan communities in most of the neighboring countries of Libya, Italy has tried through its ambassadors and consuls to impose their authority on them, and despite all the difficulties and obstacles that have been exposed But the educated group of them was able to show their activity. The right time came for them when the Second World War took place on September 3, 1939, which Italy entered along with the Allied Powers on June 10, 1940. Meanwhile, political bodies and parties formed a central axis in the crystallization The national awareness of the importance of the Libyan cause and the independence of Libya both inside and outside the country, and the roots of the political struggle, and resulted in the outputs of the unity and independence of the country, despite the differences in ideologies and views among its members, and through this research we will highlight the most important bodies and political parties Which left its mark clear and clear on the Libyan arena, and the role played by the local level until the unity and independence of Libya, and the research will be divided into two axes, the first dealt with the most important bodies and political parties that were formed in the tenderness and Tripoli and Fezan, In its role in spreading national awareness at home, and a conclusion to the main findings of the research and the list of sources and references.
Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; As a result of protracted armed conflict, Somalia remains as one of Sub-Saharan Africa's most underdeveloped county. Following the collapse of the central government in 1991, the country has been plagued with violent conflict and insurgency, extreme and widespread poverty, acute food shortage, and political instability, economic underdevelopment, and recurring natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Somalis to date lack: essential healthcare, education, food security, safe drinking water, hygiene and adequate sanitation, and have very limited employment and livelihood opportunities. The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and sub national tiers of government have meagre resources to meet the country's pressing needs.
Iraq's overall security situation has notably improved after the defeat of ISIS, but significant challenges lie ahead. Iraq has witnessed major political and security transitions in 2017 when Prime Minister Al-Abadi announced in December the victory over ISIS after a war that lasted three years. The defeat of ISIS in Iraq left the government with the daunting tasks of rebuilding the country's infrastructure, reconstruction of liberated areas, establishing security and stability,and providing services for the return of the displaced persons. On May 12, 2018 Iraq voted in parliamentary elections that delivered a win for a political bloc led by Moqtada al-Sadr, while PM Al-Abadi's bloc, once seen as front runner, came in third. The ballots have been recounted after allegations of fraud and completed on August 8th without major change. On September 15th, Iraq's parliament elected lawmaker Mohammed al-Halbousi as speaker, marking a major step towards establishing a new government. On October 2nd, Iraq's parliament elected as president Barham Salih,who immediately named Adel Abdul Mahdi Prime Minister-designate, ending months of deadlock afterthe national election in May.
After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.
The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.
The Syrian event formed a social laboratory that can test various theories of social sciences. Given the intensity of the conflict and the depth of the fluctuations and changes created, there are clear horizontal and vertical divisions and overlapping of the Syrian society's political attitudes towards what is happening. The importance of demographic factors in this regard was remarkable, which is an opportunity to study the factors that determine the political attitude and highlight the demographic factors. Due to the special circumstances of Syria and the difficulty of reaching all segments of society, we chose to study the political attitude of the Syrian students at Mardin Artuklu University. We distributed a questionnaire on a random sample and 212 could be accepted. After carrying out the statistical analysis of the data it was found that the most important demographic factors contributing to determining the age of political attitude, Where the older segments of the youth tended to opposition mood, and the ethnic factor, where it was found that Arabs have an attitude closer to the opposition mood compared to Kurds. While there was no significant effect on the factors such as religion, financial situation and gender.
Hikama (Governance) is a peer reviewed academic journal published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies and Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (p-ISSN: 2708-5805), (e-ISSN: 2708-5813). Hikama seeks to broaden the understanding of the fields of public policy and public administration in the Arab World and reinvigorate the political and social elements of public policy. It is a space for academic thought and discussion on what Arab governments - with their values, institutions, and public bodies - are doing, and should aspire to do in order to nurture politically modern and socially just Arab societies. -- AHMED MOHSEN Doctoral candidate, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey. Email: abdelrahman.ahmed@std.izu.edu.tr ; تحاول هذه الدراللسة الإجابة عن اللسؤال التالي: لماذا اختلفت الستجابة الأجهزة البيروقراطية والتنفيذية عند تصميم اللسياسات الصحية وتنفيذها تجاه أزمة جائحة فيرولس كورونا المستجد (كوفيد19) في دول تبدو متشابهة، كونها تملك ميراثا من المركزية والأنظمة الرئالسية، كما همي الحال في مصر وتركيا؟ وتنطلق فرضية الدراسة الرئيسة من أن الأزمة في بدايتها أعطت ملساحة أكبل للوزراء التنفيذيين والتكنوقراط والأجهزة البيروقراطية المتخصطة فمي اللسيالسات الطحية والوبائية للمساهمة بشكل أكبر فمي 'لاكلملم اللسياسات الطحية لمواجهة هذا الوباء، لكن الستمرار هذه الملساحة والستكمال تلك الأدوار ارتبط بعد ذلك بمدم توافر "القدرة السياساتية" التي تتيح لهؤلاء المسؤولين ذلك. تظهر الدراسة من خلال دراسة الحالة التركية والمصرية بصورة مقارنة، أنه كلما كانت الدولة أكثل مركزية، وكانت للأزمة التمي تواجهها طبيعة خاطة وغير مسبوقة، ولديها فمي الوقت نفسه قدرات سياساتية أعلل فمي تصميم السياسات، فإن هذا يساهم فمي تعزيز دور الخبراء والبيروقراطيين في تطميم اللسيالسات عل حلساب اللسيالسيين. ; This paper seeks to answer the following question: Why have the bureaucracies and executive arms of two highly centralized presidential regimes – Egypt and Turkey – produced such different responses to the Coronavirus crisis? Its basic hypothesis is that while the crisis did initially provide scope for ministers, technocrats and bureaucrats specialized in public health to play a greater part in making health policy, their ability to maintain this newfound influence depended on their "policy capability". Through a comparison of the two case studies, this article shows that the more centralized a state is, the more unprecedented the crisis is and the more policy capability it has, the greater the role bureaucrats play at the expense of politicians.
على عكس العديد من البلدان الأسيوية , نجحت سنغافورة في الحد من ظاهرة الفساد التي كانت منتشرة في البلاد , وذلك تجلى في حسن أدائها في العديد من المؤشرات القياسية كمؤتمر الشفافية , بيئة الأعمال , التنمية البشرية وتقرير التنافسية الدولي , إذ يمكن أن ينسب هذا النجاح إلى الإرادة السياسية لحكومة حزب العمل الشعبي, وهو ما انعكس في إنشاء مكتب التحقيقات في ممارسات الفساد , الذي يعتبر هيئة مستقلة عن الشرطة, يقوم بالتحقيق في وقائع الفساد في القطاعين العام والخاص , ويرأس هذا المكتب مدير يتبع رئيس الوزراء مباشرة, وكذا سن قانون عائدات الجريمة سنة 1960 , وفرض هذا القانون دون تحييز وتمييز , دون أي تدخل من الحكومة , فنجاح هذه التجربة ساهم في تطوير هذا البلد خلال أكثر من 53 عاما في ظل حكومة لي كوان يو, الذي كان رئيسا للوزراء آنذاك. ; Unlike many Asian countries, Singapore has succeeded in reducing the phenomenon of corruption that was prevalent in the country, and this was reflected in the good performance in many of the standard indicators such as the Conference of transparency, the business environment, human development and international competitiveness report, since the suces may be attributed the political Will of the Government of People's action Party, and is reflected in the establishment of the FBCP in corrupt practices, which is independent of the police body, is investigating the facts of corruption in the public and private sectors, and this office is headed by director follows the prime minister directly, and as well as POCA age in 1960, and the imposition of this law without discrimination, without any interference from the government. the success of this experiment contributed to the development of this country in more than 53 years Under the government of Lee Kuan Yew, who was prime minister at the time The existence of effective political will.
Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; In April 2016, the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim convened a High Level Panel on Water (HLPW) charged with the dual responsibility of motivating effective action; and advocating for innovation, partnerships, financing and implementation of initiatives to improve water management and sanitation service delivery, as well as build more sustainable and resilient societies and economies. To ensure the highest level of political leadership, 11 sitting Heads of State and Government, as well as a Special Advisor, were invited to lead the panel for a two-year period till March 2018. The Heads of State and Government were from Australia, Bangladesh, Hungary, Jordan, Mauritius (co-chair), Mexico (co-chair), Netherlands, Peru, Senegal, South Africa and Tajikistan
تعد المدة بين1954- 1958 من اكثر المراحل ديمقراطية في سورية, حيث عادت الحياة الدستورية الى البلاد ومارس الشعب الانتخابات لاختيار مجلس النواب, ومارس مجلس النواب والاحزاب دورهم في ادارة البلاد وتشكيل حكومة تجمع وطني جمعت كافة الاحزاب الوطنية والقومية والمستقلين, ووقفت سورية ضد الاحلاف الاجنبية لاسيما حلف بغداد, وساندت مصر في احداث السويس وسعت الى الاتحاد مع مصر 1958. تألف البحث من مقدمة وثلاثة مباحث وخاتمة, درس المبحث الاول التوجه نحو الديمقراطية والحياة الدستورية , وتناول المبحث الثاني التجمع القومي, وعالج المبحث الثالث الوحدة السورية المصرية 1958. ; The period between 1954- 1958 was more times democracy inSyria where comeback the constitutionality life for the country and practiced the people elections toselct the house of representatives, And practiced the parliament and parties their role in the management of the country and forming government national congregation collected all parties national and nationalism and independent, and stood Syria against the foreign alliances in particular the treaty of Baghdad, and supported Egypt in events of the Suez and sought to the union with Egypt 1958, and consisted the research of introduction and three sections and conclusion ,studied the first section orientation to democracy and the constitutionality life, studied the second ascend section the nationalist congregation, and displayed the third section the unity Syrian Egyptian 1958.
Iraq is facing daunting challenges of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) insurgency, political upheaval, and profound economic and humanitarian crises. Compounding the ISIS-related crisis, the sharp decline in global oil prices has resulted in significant decline in oil export revenues. Implementation of political reforms, announced in August 2015, has been slow due to constitutional constraints and systemic resistance to changes. Iraq's economic prospects are subject to significant risks. Iraq has recently achieved some important steps towards strengthening its investment climate, but much remains to be done. An attractive investment climate is integral to economic growth and poverty reduction. A key task of the government is to balance the interests of society and individual firms. A stronger investment climate does not equate with a more comfortable life for individual firms. The government must manage these trade-offs: global analysis of the World Bank's investment climate surveys shows that firms facing strong competition are on average fifty percent more likely to innovate than firms reporting no such pressure. Innovation, in turn, is a key ingredient for productivity improvement. The special focus section explores the different aspects of the investment climate in order to better understand their importance. With this background, the authors then look at Iraq's investment climate and recent efforts to strengthen it. Finally, the authors look at priorities for improving Iraq's investment climate going forward.
نظرا للأهمية التي تحتلها الإدارة داخل أجهزة الدولة، اعتبرها البعض "دولة داخل دولة"، في حين ذهب باحثون آخرون إلى أن الإدارة هي "مجموعة من المؤسسات الإدارية الموضوعة رهن تصرف الحكومة والمنفصلة عنها مع التراشح بينهما، تساهم في الوظيفة التشريعية والحكومية، تمارس نشاطا فعالا لا موجها لتحقيق التنمية والإصلاح والتحديث والفعاليات المختلفة ضمن سياق سياسي معين. بتأملنا في هذا التعريف يمكن القول أن الإدارة، هي دلك الجهاز أو الهيكل، حيث تم تنفيذ القرارات الصادرة عن الحكومة علما أنه منفصلا عنها، كما يستشف من نفس التعريف أن الإدارة تساهم في الوظيفة التشريعية والتنفيذية، هادفة لتحقيق التنمية والإصــلاح ويــرى عبد الله شنفار أن الإدارة تكليف ومسؤولية تدبير أهداف معينة خدمة للصالح العام ; Given the importance that the administration occupies within the state apparatus, some considered it a "state within a state", while other researchers argued that the administration is "a group of administrative institutions placed at the disposal of the government and separated from it, with the interplay between them, that contribute to the legislative and governmental function, and exercise an effective activity." It is not directed towards achieving development, reform, modernization and various activities within a specific political context. Reflecting on this definition, we can say that the administration is the body or structure, where the decisions issued by the government have been implemented, knowing that it is separate from it. It is also evident from the same definition that the administration contributes to the legislative and executive function, aiming to achieve development and reform. Abdullah Shanfar believes that the administration Assignment and responsibility for managing specific objectives in the public interest. ; Given the importance that the administration occupies within the state apparatus, some considered it a "state within a state", while other researchers argued that the administration is "a group of administrative institutions placed at the disposal of the government and separated from it, with the interplay ...
Bu araştırma gösteriyor ki ; vakıflar üzerinden ekonomik güçlendirme her hangi bir toplumda kalkınmayı ölçmek için nemli hale gelmiştir, vakıfların ekonomik durumunu güçlendirip kalkındırmak için hükümet ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının elinden geldiğince destek vermeleri gerekiyor. Aynı zamanda ekonomik güçlendirme ile alakalı tüm sıkıntıları ulusal , blgesel ve uluslararası kuruluşlara anlatılması gerekir çünkü güçsüz bir toplum ile hiç bir devlet kalkınmayı sağlayıp ayağa kalkamaz. Ayrıca , her hangi bir toplumu bir kalkınma sürecin içine katarsan demek oluyor ki bu adıma göre toplumların gelişip gelişmeyeceğine karar verilir, uluslararası arenada büyük devletlerden biri olabilmek için toplumu kalkınma sürecin içine katmakla olur . Hayırlı ve gnüllülük işi olduğu için bu alan her zaman fakirlik sıkıntısını çzüp ekonomik güçlendirmek için nemli rol almıştır. Vakıf kuruluşların tarihine bakarsak grürüz ki ekonomik güçlendirme vakıflar için hep sağlam bir kaynak olup bağışçıların ilgisini çekmiştir bu da şundan kaynaklanıyor; ekonomik güçlendirme hem eğitim, sağlık, genel hizmetler, ulaşım hem de konut yapımı için kolaylık sağlayıp tüccarlara , çiftçilere ve çalışanlara maddi olarak kaynak bulup finans etmiştir . Araştırmalara gre , sivil toplum kuruluşları, hayırsever kurumlar ve vakıflar fakirlere ister maddi ister teknik ister de ayni yardımları vererek aktif bir rol oynamıştır . STK'lar, gerek ulusal gerekse uluslararası arenada ekonomik güçlendirmek için bir rol oynadığını gösteriyor bir de devletlerin ve bağış yapan kurumların güvenini kazanıyor . Allah'a çok şükür ki bir taraftan kuranı kerim ve sünnetteki metin -VIIIbir taraftan da iktisatçılar, araştırmacılar ve bilim adamların söylediklerine dayalı olarak çalışmamdaki bu açıklayıcı yaklaşımı kullandım çünkü ekonomik güçlendirmede vakıfların önemli rolünü açıklamak istedim.aynı zamanda , araştırmalarımın doğruluğunu göstermek için son yıllarda ve çeşitli çağlardaki vakıfların tarihine ulaşabilmek için çok büyük çaba gösteip önemli tavsiyelerde bulunmak istedim ki belki ümmetin bu ekonomik sıkıntılarından kurtulmak için bir vesile olur ve bu tavsiyeler bu araştırmanın sonucudur. ; This study shows that economic empowerment through foundations has gained importance to measure the development in any society and governments and non-governmental organizations need to support as much as they can to strengthen and develop the economic situation of foundations. At the same time, all the problems associated with economic empowerment must be addressed to national, regional and international institutions. Because, with a powerless society, no state can provide development and stand up. In addition, if you put any society into a development process, it means that it is decided according to this order whether societies will develop or not. In order to be one of the greatest states in the international arena, society must be involved in the development process. Because it is a voluntary and charity work, this area has always played an important role in solving poverty and strengthening the economy. If we look at the history of foundations, we can see that the economic empowerment has always been a solid source for foundations and has attracted the interest of donors. It is because the economic empowerment facilitated both education, health, general services, transportation and housing construction, and funded traders, farmers and employees by finding financial sources. According to researches, non-governmental organizations, philanthropic institutions and foundations have played an active role by providing financial, technical or in-kind aid to the poor. NGOs Show that they play a role in economic empowerment both nationally and internationally and they gain the trust of states and donor agencies as well. Thanks to Allah, I have used this explanatory approach in my study, on the one hand based on -VIthe texts of Quran Karim and Sunna, and on the other hand what are said by the economists, researchers and scientists, because I wanted to explain the importance of foundations in the economic empowerment. At the same time, in order to prove out my researches, I wanted to make great efforts and to make important recommendations to reach the history of foundations in recent years and at various times, so that it conduces to an opportunity for Ummah to get rid of these economic troubles and these recommendations are the result of my study.
The geo-economy presents Lebanon with challenges associated with being a nexus for regional fault lines and risks from its dependence on capital inflows. Despite markedly improved security conditions since the start of 2015, anxiety over regional turmoil and potential spillover effectspersist. All the while, Lebanon continues to be, by far, the largest host of Syrian refugees (in proportion to the population). In addition, the economy's dependence on its diaspora to finance internal and external imbalances exposes Lebanon to economic and political conditions beyond its influence. Despite these challenges and risks, the political process remains impaired with the vacant presidency completing its second year with uncertain prospects of a near-term resolution. On the other hand, a short-term solution has been found to the garbage crisis that has left piles of trash uncollected on the streets across the country since summer 2015. The Lebanon Economic Monitor provides an update on key economic developments and policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank work on Lebanon. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and other changes in policy on the outlook for Lebanon. Its coverage ranges from the macro-economy to financial markets to indicators of human welfare and development.
