Suchergebnisse

تهدف هذه الدراسة بشكل اساسي إلى بيان مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, إضافة الى بيان الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, حيث تكمن اهمية الدراسة في معرفة مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا ودورها في تغيير نمط النظام الدولي من احادي القطبية الى نمط ثنائي قطيبة أو متعدد الاقطاب. وظفت الدراسة عدة مناهج بحثية, وهي: المنهج الوصفي التحليلي, ومنهج تحليل النظم؛ من أجل تحقيق أهداف الدراسة, والإجابة عن السؤال الجورهي للدراسة: ما هو مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا. توصلت الدراسة الى نتائج اهمها ما يلي : اثبتت الدراسة صحة فرضيتها, بوجود علاقة طردية بين جائحة كورنا والنظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي ، فكلما زادت الفترة الزمنية والمكانية لجائحة كورونا زادت الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام الدولي مما يؤدي الى تغير في نمط النظام الدولي من احادي قطبية الى نمط متعدد الاقطاب ,ومن اهم التوصيات ما يلي: يجب على دول العالم أن تعطي الأولوية في الاهتمام والدعم لقطاعات الصحة والقيام بتطويرها وتعزيزها لتمكينهم من الاستعداد لمواجهة أي وباء. ; This study aims mainly to show the future of the international political and economic system, in addition to showing the political and economic effects on the international political and economic system, where the importance of the study lies in knowing the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic and its role in changing the pattern of the international system from unipolar to bi-polar or multi-polar. The study employed several research approaches, namely: the descriptive analytical approach, and the systems analysis approach; in order to achieve the objectives of the study, and to answer the Georgian question of the study: what is the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic. The study found the most important results: the study proved the validity of its hypothesis, there is a direct relationship between the corona pandemic and the international political and economic system ,the greater the time and space period of the corona ...

Assembly of the union Thirty-Second Ordinary Session 10 – 11 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; Africa is the origin of man, four and a half million years ago and all human beings only lived in Africa until about 100,000 years ago. The last ice-age ended 11,700 years ago. Before that People could not live in many parts of the North of our Globe. Therefore, the European Stock (Europeans, Americans, Canadians, Australians), the Asians, the Arabsetc. are all former Africans

Viele Studien haben bisher das Bild des Orients und des arabischen Raums bei Goethe untersucht, wie Goethe die anderen Kulturen und Literaturen sah. Meine Arbeit jedoch nähert sich dem Thema erstmals, wenn man so will, von der anderen Seite. Denn sie steht unter den Leitfragen: Wie ist das Bild Goethes in der arabischen Welt konturiert? Wie wurde und wird Goethe in der arabischen Literatur dargestellt? Die vorliegende Studie untersucht die Schwerpunkte der arabischen Rezeption deutscher Literatur vom 20. bis zu den Anfängen des 21. Jahrhunderts, wobei insbesondere auf Johann Wolfgang von Goethe und seinen Briefroman Die Leiden des jungen Werthers Bezug genommen wird. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die Entwicklung der Rezeption, also die Interaktion zwischen Leser und Text, ohne dabei die Rolle des ursprünglichen Autors zu vernachlässigen. Als theoretische Grundlage der Forschung dient die Rezeptionstheorie von Hans Robert Jauß, in welcher der historisch-ästhetische Erwartungshorizont der literarischen Erfahrung im Zentrum steht, wobei das Werk-Rezipient-Verhältnis sowohl die Aktivierung wie auch die Obejktivierung dieser Erwartung umfasst. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei vor allem auf der Frage, wie die deutsche Literatur von den Arabern zunächst übersetzt und gelesen, insbesondere aber darauf, mit welcher Wahrscheinlichkeit sie gemäß ihren intendierten Aussagen rezipiert wird. So ist etwa die Arbeit des Übersetzers bei der Auswahl des zu übertragenden Stoffes sehr entscheidend. In der angemessenen Übertragung etwa bildlicher Sprache liegt auch ein schöpferischer Aspekt, und die Übersetzung literarischer Texte, für die ihre ästhetische Form konstitutiv ist, unterscheidet sich somit stark von Übersetzungen von Texten, bei denen die Vermittlung von Informationen im Vordergrund steht. Unter diesem Blickwinkel wird die Übersetzung selbst als Prozess der Rezeption betrachtet, im dem der Übersetzer als ein erster Leser fungiert, der vor allem die Wirkung des literarischenTextes mitrezipiert und innerhalb seines Kulturkreises ...

The Syrian event formed a social laboratory that can test various theories of social sciences. Given the intensity of the conflict and the depth of the fluctuations and changes created, there are clear horizontal and vertical divisions and overlapping of the Syrian society's political attitudes towards what is happening. The importance of demographic factors in this regard was remarkable, which is an opportunity to study the factors that determine the political attitude and highlight the demographic factors. Due to the special circumstances of Syria and the difficulty of reaching all segments of society, we chose to study the political attitude of the Syrian students at Mardin Artuklu University. We distributed a questionnaire on a random sample and 212 could be accepted. After carrying out the statistical analysis of the data it was found that the most important demographic factors contributing to determining the age of political attitude, Where the older segments of the youth tended to opposition mood, and the ethnic factor, where it was found that Arabs have an attitude closer to the opposition mood compared to Kurds. While there was no significant effect on the factors such as religion, financial situation and gender.

T. 1. Grammaire, rhétorique, poésie, philologie et belles-lettres, lexicographie, philosophie -- t. 2, fasc. 1. Morale et politique -- t. 2., fasc. 2. Médecine et histoire naturelle -- t. 2., fasc. 3. Sciences exactes et sciences occultes -- t. 3. Théologie, géographie, histoire ; Vol. 1 publicado en 1844, 2 en 1903 y 1941, y 3 en 1928 ; Parte del v. 2 y v. 3 publicados por Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner ; El v. 2 está revisado y completado por H.-P.-J. Renaud y el v. 3 está revisado y puesto al día por E. Lévi-Provençal ; Microficha. Madrid : Centro de Tratamiento de la Documentación, [1989?]

Many leaders of the country and leaders of the resistance and a large number of the people of Libya to migrate to neighboring countries because of the policy of fascist and arbitrary, and there are large Libyan communities in most of the neighboring countries of Libya, Italy has tried through its ambassadors and consuls to impose their authority on them, and despite all the difficulties and obstacles that have been exposed But the educated group of them was able to show their activity. The right time came for them when the Second World War took place on September 3, 1939, which Italy entered along with the Allied Powers on June 10, 1940. Meanwhile, political bodies and parties formed a central axis in the crystallization The national awareness of the importance of the Libyan cause and the independence of Libya both inside and outside the country, and the roots of the political struggle, and resulted in the outputs of the unity and independence of the country, despite the differences in ideologies and views among its members, and through this research we will highlight the most important bodies and political parties Which left its mark clear and clear on the Libyan arena, and the role played by the local level until the unity and independence of Libya, and the research will be divided into two axes, the first dealt with the most important bodies and political parties that were formed in the tenderness and Tripoli and Fezan, In its role in spreading national awareness at home, and a conclusion to the main findings of the research and the list of sources and references.

The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

Hikama (Governance) is a peer reviewed academic journal published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies and Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (p-ISSN: 2708-5805), (e-ISSN: 2708-5813). Hikama seeks to broaden the understanding of the fields of public policy and public administration in the Arab World and reinvigorate the political and social elements of public policy. It is a space for academic thought and discussion on what Arab governments - with their values, institutions, and public bodies - are doing, and should aspire to do in order to nurture politically modern and socially just Arab societies. -- AHMED MOHSEN Doctoral candidate, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey. Email: abdelrahman.ahmed@std.izu.edu.tr ; تحاول هذه الدراللسة الإجابة عن اللسؤال التالي: لماذا اختلفت الستجابة الأجهزة البيروقراطية والتنفيذية عند تصميم اللسياسات الصحية وتنفيذها تجاه أزمة جائحة فيرولس كورونا المستجد (كوفيد19) في دول تبدو متشابهة، كونها تملك ميراثا من المركزية والأنظمة الرئالسية، كما همي الحال في مصر وتركيا؟ وتنطلق فرضية الدراسة الرئيسة من أن الأزمة في بدايتها أعطت ملساحة أكبل للوزراء التنفيذيين والتكنوقراط والأجهزة البيروقراطية المتخصطة فمي اللسيالسات الطحية والوبائية للمساهمة بشكل أكبر فمي 'لاكلملم اللسياسات الطحية لمواجهة هذا الوباء، لكن الستمرار هذه الملساحة والستكمال تلك الأدوار ارتبط بعد ذلك بمدم توافر "القدرة السياساتية" التي تتيح لهؤلاء المسؤولين ذلك. تظهر الدراسة من خلال دراسة الحالة التركية والمصرية بصورة مقارنة، أنه كلما كانت الدولة أكثل مركزية، وكانت للأزمة التمي تواجهها طبيعة خاطة وغير مسبوقة، ولديها فمي الوقت نفسه قدرات سياساتية أعلل فمي تصميم السياسات، فإن هذا يساهم فمي تعزيز دور الخبراء والبيروقراطيين في تطميم اللسيالسات عل حلساب اللسيالسيين. ; This paper seeks to answer the following question: Why have the bureaucracies and executive arms of two highly centralized presidential regimes – Egypt and Turkey – produced such different responses to the Coronavirus crisis? Its basic hypothesis is that while the crisis did initially provide scope for ministers, technocrats and bureaucrats specialized in public health to play a greater part in making health policy, their ability to maintain this newfound influence depended on their "policy capability". Through a comparison of the two case studies, this article shows that the more centralized a state is, the more unprecedented the crisis is and the more policy capability it has, the greater the role bureaucrats play at the expense of politicians.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; From January to December 2018, the Pan-African Parliament undertook several activities, in fulfillment of its core mandate, which is to "ensure the full participation of African peoples in the development of and economic integration of the continent."1 Submitted in accordance with Rule 76 of the Rules of Procedure of the Pan-African Parliament, this annual activity report provides an account of all the activities undertaken by the Pan-African Parliament, towards the achievement of its mandate.

Contents: CHAPTER I -- The Two Cities -- CHAPTER II The Town of the Tent -- CHAPTER III The Faubourgs -- CHAPTER IV Misr -- CHAPTER V Cairo -- CHAPTER VI Saladin's Castle -- CHAPTER VII The Dome Builders -- CHAPTER VIII The City of the Arabian Nights -- CHAPTER IX Beys and Pashas -- RULERS AND MONUMENTS OF CAIRO -- TABLE FOR CONVERTING HIJRA YEARS INTO ANNI DOMINI.

An at-a-glance illustrated guide to global and regional trends in human insecurity, the miniAtlas provides a succinct introduction to today's most pressing security challenges. It maps political violence, the links between poverty and conflict, assaults on human rights including the use of child soldiers and the causes of war and peace.

Every translator is, in a such way, consciously or not, an "unfaithful" missionary between two cultures. Both among the Arab scholars and Western academics, translation has always had an important role: between similarities and differences the literary world has produced a lot of theories about the techniques and the tasks connected to the translator's work. What happens if an unfaithful translation becomes a metaphor to express the writer's will to criticize the society where he lives? In al-Mutarğim al-ḫā'in (The Unfaithful Translator, 2008) by the Syrian writer Fawwāz Ḥaddād, the protagonist, Ḥāmid Salīm, voluntarily alters the final of the book he's translating. From this moment on, he will be victim of persecution by an Organization that deals with literature just in appearance. In this way Fawwāz Ḥaddād proposes a perspective on the political and literary scene of the contemporary Syrian society. The act of betrayal of Ḥāmid Salīm becomes an unusual act of subversion towards the autocratic political system of his country.

Iraq's overall security situation has notably improved after the defeat of ISIS, but significant challenges lie ahead. Iraq has witnessed major political and security transitions in 2017 when Prime Minister Al-Abadi announced in December the victory over ISIS after a war that lasted three years. The defeat of ISIS in Iraq left the government with the daunting tasks of rebuilding the country's infrastructure, reconstruction of liberated areas, establishing security and stability,and providing services for the return of the displaced persons. On May 12, 2018 Iraq voted in parliamentary elections that delivered a win for a political bloc led by Moqtada al-Sadr, while PM Al-Abadi's bloc, once seen as front runner, came in third. The ballots have been recounted after allegations of fraud and completed on August 8th without major change. On September 15th, Iraq's parliament elected lawmaker Mohammed al-Halbousi as speaker, marking a major step towards establishing a new government. On October 2nd, Iraq's parliament elected as president Barham Salih,who immediately named Adel Abdul Mahdi Prime Minister-designate, ending months of deadlock afterthe national election in May.

The geo-economy presents Lebanon with challenges associated with being a nexus for regional fault lines and risks from its dependence on capital inflows. Despite markedly improved security conditions since the start of 2015, anxiety over regional turmoil and potential spillover effectspersist. All the while, Lebanon continues to be, by far, the largest host of Syrian refugees (in proportion to the population). In addition, the economy's dependence on its diaspora to finance internal and external imbalances exposes Lebanon to economic and political conditions beyond its influence. Despite these challenges and risks, the political process remains impaired with the vacant presidency completing its second year with uncertain prospects of a near-term resolution. On the other hand, a short-term solution has been found to the garbage crisis that has left piles of trash uncollected on the streets across the country since summer 2015. The Lebanon Economic Monitor provides an update on key economic developments and policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank work on Lebanon. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and other changes in policy on the outlook for Lebanon. Its coverage ranges from the macro-economy to financial markets to indicators of human welfare and development.

يقوم مبدأ المكاسب المتكافئة في المعاهدات الدولية على إيجاد قاعدة عامة للتعايش الإنساني القائم على الرضا والمنفعة المشتركة؛ لأنه يعد سبيلا إلى تحقيق السلام العالمي بين الدول والأفراد والجماعات. وتلخصت الأسس التي يقوم عليها إلى ثلاثة أسس رئيسة: الأولى الأمانة؛ وهي المعزز الرئيسي الأول لمعنى الثقة. الثانية: التوازن؛ وهو القدرة على التعبير عن الرأي مع مراعاة آراء ومخاوف الطرف الآخر. الثالثة: عقلية الوفرة؛ وهي تصور ذهني يقوم على الثقة الواسعة بعطاء الله عز وجل. وكان التاريخ الإسلامي زاخرا بهذا المبدأ وأسسه حيث كانت النواة الأولى للنهضة والفتوحات السلمية، واخترت منه شاهدين: الأول: معاهدة صلح الحديبية في زمن النبوة، والآخر: العهدة العمرية في زمن الخلافة. ; Abstract The principle of equal gains in international treaties is to find a general rule of human coexistence based on mutual benefit and satisfaction; it is a way to achieve world peace among nations and individuals and groups. And it summarized the foundations of three main bases: The first one; is to be a trustworthy. Second: to be balanced, and it's the ability to express opinion, and thoughts with taking into account the views and concerns of the other party. Third: the mentality of abundance; and it's the confidence ones have, that Allah the Almighty ensured that every living thing have its share on this earth. The equal gains principle was founded in the Islamic history on many Occasions that created the very soul of the Islamic empire, and so I chose two Examples to present the idea: the first one is about the Khudaibiya Treaty at the time of the prophecy, and the second one is Auhdah alumarya at the time of kilafa