Suchergebnisse

Research on the human dimensions of climate change (HDCC) in the Canadian Arctic has expanded so rapidly over the past decade that we do not have a clear grasp of the current state of knowledge or research gaps. This lack of clarity has implications for duplication of climate policy and research, and it has been identified as a problem by communities, scientists, policy makers, and northern organizations. Our review of current knowledge about the HDCC in Nunavut, Nunavik, and Nunatsiavut indicates that the effects of climate change on subsistence harvesting and other land-based activities and the determinants of vulnerability and adaptation to such changes are well understood. However, the effects of climate change on health are less known. In the nascent research on this topic, studies on food security and personal safety dominate, and little peer-reviewed scholarship focuses on the business and economic sector. Published research shows a strong bias toward case studies in smaller communities, especially communities in Nunavut. Such studies have focused primarily on negative impacts of climate change, present-day vulnerabilities, and adaptive capacity, but studies proposing opportunities for adaptation intervention are beginning to emerge. While documenting the serious risks posed by climate change, they also highlight the adaptability of northern populations and the effects of economic-political stresses on vulnerability to changing climate. We note the absence of studies that examine how Northerners can benefit from new opportunities that may arise from climate change, or assess how the interaction of future climatic and socio-economic changes (specifically, resource development and enhanced shipping) will affect their experience of and response to climate change, or discuss the broader determinants of vulnerability and adaptation. ; L'étude des dimensions humaines du changement climatique (DHCC) dans l'Arctique canadien a pris de l'ampleur ces dix dernières années au point où nous n'avons pas une idée claire de l'état actuel des connaissances ou des lacunes en matière de recherche. Cette absence de précision a des incidences sur le plan du dédoublement des politiques et des études sur le climat, ce qui est considéré comme problématique par les collectivités, les scientifiques, les décisionnaires et les organi­sations se trouvant dans le Nord. Nous avons passé en revue les connaissances actuelles en matière de DHCC au Nunavut, au Nunavik et au Nunatsiavut, ce qui nous a permis de constater que les effets du changement climatique sur les récoltes de subsistance et sur d'autres activités rattachées aux ressources naturelles sont bien compris, tout comme le sont les déterminants de la vulnérabilité et de l'adaptation à ces changements. Cela dit, les effets du changement climatique sur la santé sont moins bien connus. Dans le cadre des recherches à l'état naissant à ce sujet, les études portant sur l'innocuité alimentaire et la sécurité personnelle dominent, et peu d'études évaluées par les pairs sont axées sur le secteur commercial et économique. Les travaux de recherche dont les résultats ont été publiés indiquent un fort penchant pour des études de cas visant de plus petites collectivités, surtout les collectivités du Nunavut. Ces études portent principalement sur les incidences négatives du changement climatique, sur les vulnérabilités actuelles et sur la capacité d'adaptation, quoi que des études proposant des possibilités d'intervention adaptative commencent à faire surface. Bien que des études se trouvent à documenter les risques sérieux que pose le changement climatique, elles font également ressortir l'adaptabilité des populations nordiques et les effets des stress politiques et économiques sur la vulnérabilité au climat changeant. Nous avons aussi remarqué l'absence d'études qui examinent comment les gens du Nord peuvent bénéficier des retombées du changement climatique, d'études qui évaluent comment l'interaction des changements climatiques et socioéconomiques futurs (plus précisément en ce qui a trait à la mise en valeur des ressources et à l'amélioration des voies d'expédition) toucheront leur expérience du changement climatique et leur réaction à celui-ci, ou d'études qui discutent des plus grands déterminants de la vulnérabilité et de l'adaptation.

The present study focuses on specific aspects in the organization of teaching religion in Indonesia. It analyses the position of religion within the Indonesian Basic Law, consequential legislation, and educational policies. How does this framework translate into national and regional policies pertaining to the emergence, institutionalization, and organization of the Hindu class and the Hindu education system in Bali from 1945 to 2008? Muslim majority Indonesia constitutes an interesting laboratory for doing fundamental research on religious plurality and transformations of religion. The model of organizing the religion class in Indonesia is rooted in a specific historical, socio-cultural, political, and legal context, which is fundamentally different to European models of religious education. In addition, in contrast to classical Islam and modern Islamic states, Indonesia recognizes Asian religions as equal in status with the religions of the book. Besides Islam and Christianity, Hindu Dharma and Buddhism were recognized as state funded religions in 1965. This recognition had important consequences for the Indonesian model of organizing five confessional religion classes and faith-based education systems. The Balinese are a rare case of a religious and ethnic minority being simultaneously an ethnic and religious majority. Therefore, the Balinese provide an outstanding case to analyze how Indonesia's religious and educational policies do deal with that particular ethnic and religious minority. In addition, how do the Balinese themselves use the constitutional and legal framework to establish the Hindu religion class in public schools and a private Hindu education system from the level of pre-school to higher education? A qualitative examination was conducted basing on a combination of theoretical and empirical investigations. The province of Bali and three educational institutions were chosen, because the Balinese were the reformers of Indonesian Hindu Dharma and the inventors of the Hindu education system. As the study focuses on constitutional and legal contexts of the Hindu class and the Hindu education system, teachers' professional education, and composition of curricula and textbooks, a qualitative approach was applied combining ethnographic fieldwork and case study research. In consequence, the subject positions the study in the academic disciplines of Religious Studies and Area Studies. Data were collected through bibliographical surveys and fieldwork. The amended 1945 Basic Law and consequential legislation give the same right to state sanctioned religions. The state is based on "One Supreme Lordship" prescribing national monotheism or monism. Indonesia's spirited statehood is based on a religious, but not confessional interpretation. In addition, the strategy to manage religious plurality is authoritarian, as positive freedom of religion is limited to six state-funded religions, whereas negative religious freedom is not provided for. Despite the equal status of the six state funded religions, discriminative practices prevail with regard to funding those Asian religions. Notwithstanding, the Muslim majority Pancasila state can serve a model function for countries with illiberal politics in the Muslim world. The first objective of strategic and educational policies is to mould a citizen who has faith in God, follows the commands of God, and has morals. The dimension of spiritual intelligence in education is a particular Indonesian dimension of education, which Indonesian educational planners added to the UNESCO standards of student-centered learning throughout life. Indonesia organizes the religion class and faith-based education systems in a confessional but pluralistic style. The citizens are required to attend the religious class in the religion they adhere to instructed by a teacher of the same belief from elementary to higher education. In addition, the religious mark is a compulsory item in the school report, and whether a pupil/student stays back or is promoted to the next level depends, amongst other factors, on how the religion teacher grades the student. Unlike the Muslim or Christian based education systems, the Hindu education system is still marginal and minuscule. Its funding is discriminative. Funding and expansion are linked to national policies, and the personal networks of Hindu agents are given the mandate to organize the Hindu administration and education system.

Master i styring og ledelse ; The aim of this paper is to identify if skills and actors in public organizations have an influence on the use of economic analysis on environmental and climate issues. My background and motivation is based on the City of Oslo's City Government statement, the complexity of environmental and climate programs and the requirement from the Department of Finance to perform economic analysis on environmental and climate field. The paper is based on a qualitative method. The existing data on the use economic analysis in the field of climate and environment, in local government level, is limited. This led me to collect primary data. I interviewed 5 cities resulting to a relatively small number of cases and cannot therefore be generalized. A semi-structured interview guide was made for the purpose of this paper. Public organizations are concerned about the scarcity of public resources. They must carry through tasks on behalf of the community/society. The actors in government consist of politicians, bureaucrats and stakeholders. Stakeholders, in this paper, are defined as the general public, the State and other entities that have interest in what public organization do. Politicians and, in certain degree, bureaucrats can be held into account by means of accountability, transparency and openness. The cities in this paper use economic analysis on assessing environmental and climate impacts. Economic analysis is performed in different levels of the organization. The performance of economic analysis could be gained by utilizing the existing skills in the departmental level in the cities and underlying agencies or through external consultants, showing an indirect influence in the use of economic analysis. The use of economic analysis can be initiated by the politicians to maximize reelection, show transparency and to implement actions in relation to their political stand/ideology. Bureaucrats can initiate the performance of economic analysis either as an order from the politicians, to strengthen their arguments, maximizing budget and by acting within their own interest. The use of economic analysis is also used towards the general public. Both politicians and bureaucrats have therefore a direct influence in the use of economic analysis in the cities. ; Kommunenes bruk av økonomiske analyser på vurdering av klima- og miljøtiltak. Hensikten med denne oppgaven er å identifisere om kompetanse/ferdigheter og aktører i offentlige organisasjoner har påvirkning i bruk av økonomiske analyser når miljø- og klimatiltak vurderes. Min bakgrunn og motivasjon stammer fra byrådserklæringen for det sittende byråd i Oslo, kompleksiteten i miljø- og klimadokumenter, samt etterspørsel fra Byrådsavdeling for finans om å foreta økonomiske analyser på klima- og miljøområdet. Kvalitativ metode er brukt i denne oppgaven. Det oppleves at eksisterende data om bruk av økonomiske analyser på klima- og miljøområdet, på kommunalt nivå er begrenset. Dette har ført til innsamling av primær data. Jeg har intervjuet 5 byer, en relativ liten populasjon som ikke gjør det mulig å generalisere. En semi-strukturert intervjuguide er utarbeidet til formålet med denne oppgaven. Offentlige ressurser er knappe. Det er konkurranse om de tilgjengelige midlene til ulike gode formål. Aktører i offentlige organisasjoner består av politikere, byråkrater og andre interessenter. Interessenter i denne sammenhengen vil bli definert som allmennheten/ publikum, staten osv. Disse aktørene, som har en posisjon i offentlige organer, skal vise at de har ansvar, de er transparent og åpen mot publikum. Byene i denne oppgaven bruker økonomiske analyser når de vurderer miljø- og klimatiltak. Økonomiske analyser er brukt i forskjellige nivåer i organisasjonen. Den nødvendige kompetansen på bruk av økonomiske analyser kan hentes ved å bruke eksisterende kompetanse som finnes i andre departementer, underliggende etater og kjøp av konsulenttjenester, noe som viser en indirekte påvirkning på bruk av økonomiske analyser på vurdering av miljø- og klimatiltak. Bruk av økonomisk analyse kan komme som initiativ fra politikerne for å maksimere gjenvalg, vise åpenhet og å implementere tiltak basert på deres politisk standpunkt/ideologi. På den andre siden kan byråkratene initiere bruk av økonomisk analyse som en ordre fra politikerne, forsterke deres argumenter, maksimere budsjett og av selvinteresse. Resultatene er også brukt mot andre interessenter. Både politikerne og byråkratene har dermed en direkte påvirkning på bruk av økonomiske analyser når miljø- og klimatiltak vurderes.

Master i flerkulturell og internasjonal utdanning ; This study focuses on inclusive education for visually impaired and sighted students in a boarding institution in a secondary school in the southern part of Ghana. The study has been investigating two research questions namely; (a) Are the visually impaired students given any support during instructional hours? And (b) how do the non-visually impaired students relate with their visually impaired counterparts in terms of assistance given to them both in and outside the classroom? The objectives of the study are to explore the kind of support and teaching methods used by the teachers of the visually impaired during instructional hours and the second is to investigate the kind of attitudes and relationships that exist between the non-visually impaired students and their visually impaired counterparts in the school. The study focused on when the two groups of students (the sighted and the visually impaired) are taught in the same classroom where they share same facilities both in the classroom and their student houses of residence. The research strategy that underpins the study is the qualitative methodology based on interpretivist epistemological assumptions. This was deemed appropriate because the study seeks to understand the social world through the lenses of the participants by examining and interpreting it (Bryman, 2008) since reality lies with the people and the sociology of knowledge must first of all concern itself with what people perceive as reality in their everyday lives (Berger & Luckmann, 1967). In addition the study engaged in an ontological position of constructionism which emphasizes that social phenomena and realities are produced and achieved through a constant state of interaction and revision which is an on-going process. The study tried to understand and explain how the visually impaired students are included in secondary education through interaction with the research participants and the application of qualitative methods such as observations and interviews which aimed at triangulation. The findings are analysed employing mixed approach of interpretation and narrative analysis through close examination and constructing of themes as well as patterns used to describe and explain the phenomena studied (Gall, Gall, & Borg, 2009). Findings from the study confirmed that educational materials for the visually impaired were either not available or are in short supply in the school as a result both the students and the school are left v struggling with the few materials they have to give true inclusive education to the visually impaired students. I argue that inclusive education is not just the integration of persons with special educational needs in the mainstream schools for them to be taught alongside the regular students, but requires that they be provided sufficient materials and support in order to remove the barriers militating against their full inclusion (Jonhsen & Skjørten; Terzi, 2010). The study underscores the need as captured in the "difference principle" (Rawls, 1999, p. 72) to spend more resources on the least advantaged in the society that is the visually impaired students, in order to balance the scale which always favours the advantaged in the society. In view of this, disparities in the provision of educational materials as discovered by the study between the sighted and the visually impaired students in the school can only be warranted under the precepts of justice given that education has the capability of enhancing the future chances of the individual (Rawls, 1999; Sen, 2009; Terzi, 2010). The study further points to the need for sighted students to relate to and assist the visually impaired students, not only in the classroom, but also in other spheres of school life since people around the individual have a role to play (Vygotsky, 1978) and thus sensitization through education on regular basis could be used to achieve this. Finally, the study calls on future researchers to consider looking into ways that teachers could be prepared adequately with skills and information through workshops and in-service training for inclusive education programmes as well as policy directions and political will towards inclusive education.

Attempt to forcefully impose religious ideology and or belief on Nigeria's secular society is not new. The leader of the Maitatsine sectarian group attempted it in 1981 and eventually led to large scale uprisings. Since the early 1980s and 2012, Nigeria has witnessed other uncountable religious related crises. Beginning from 2009, the country once again, has been stormed by large scale and unimaginable bomb attacks by the Boko Haram movement. Although Boko Haram can be compared in terms of philosophy and objectives to the Maitatsine sectarian group, its organisational planning, armed resistance, and modus operandi is Taliban and attacks executed by the groups so far the most ferocious and devastating. To arrest terrorism related offences, the Nigerian National Assembly on 17th February, 2011 passed a bill on Anti-Terrorism. Even with the Bill in place, and the invitation to negotiate by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, Boko Haram attacks which initially was confined to North-Eastern Nigeria, like cancer has infected the North-Central and is spreading to Southern Nigeria. Given the inherent unsettled political and economic environment, the menace caused by Boko Haram attacks has cashed in to compound an already chaotic situation. A fall-out of the Boko Haram saga for example, is the re-awakening of the acrimonious call for a Sovereign National Conference- by implication; the so called 'One Nigeria' is being questioned. On the basis of this background, for the motives and intention of Boko haram, it can no longer be ignored, trivialised or abandoned. Apparently, the dynamics of terrorism in the context of Boko Haram attacks in Nigeria remains insufficiently explored. This article aims to narrow such a gap by analysing the concept of terrorism in light of the philosophy and objectives, spectrum of strategies, dimensions and networking of Boko Haram movement in Nigeria.Key words: Boko Haram; Bomb Attack; Ideology; Nigeria; Religion; Terrorism.Résumé: La Tentative d'imposer par la force l'idéologie religieuse ou de conviction et sur la société laïque du Nigeria n'est pas nouvelle. Le leader du groupe sectaire Maitatsine il a tenté en 1981 et a finalement conduit à des soulèvements de grande envergure. Depuis le début des années 1980 et 2012, le Nigeria a connu d'autres crises innombrables religieuses liées. A partir de 2009, le pays encore une fois, a été pris d'assaut par grande échelle et attentats à la bombe inimaginables par le mouvement Boko Haram. Bien que Boko Haram peut être comparé en termes de philosophie et les objectifs pour le groupe Maitatsine sectaire, sa planification organisationnelle, la résistance armée, et le modus operandi est talibans et les attaques exécutées par les groupes de loin la plus féroce et dévastatrice. Pour arrêter infractions liées au terrorisme, l'Assemblée nationale nigériane le 17 Février, 2011 a adopté un projet de loi sur la lutte contre le terrorisme. Même avec le projet de loi en place, et l'invitation à négocier par le président Goodluck Jonathan Ebele, Boko Haram attaques qui, initialement, a été confinée au nordest du Nigeria, comme le cancer a infecté le Centre-Nord et se propage vers le sud du Nigeria. Compte tenu de la inhérente environnement politique instable et économique, la menace causée par les attaques Boko Haram a encaissé à aggraver une situation déjà chaotique. Une chute-de la saga Boko Haram par exemple, est le réveil de l'appel acrimonieuse pour une conférence nationale souveraine par l'implication, la soi-disant «Un Nigeria est remise en question. Sur la base de ce contexte, pour les motifs et l'intention de Boko haram, il ne peut plus être ignoré, banalisé ou abandonnés. Apparemment, la dynamique du terrorisme dans le contexte des attaques Boko Haram au Nigeria reste insuffisamment exploré. Cet article vise à combler une telle lacune, en analysant le concept de terrorisme à la lumière de la philosophie et les objectifs, le spectre de stratégies, les dimensions et mise en réseau des Boko Haram mouvement au Nigeria.Mots clés: Boko Haram; Attentat à la bombe; L'idéologie; Le Nigeria; La religion; Le terrorisme.

The present text – a talk given at the Faculty of Theology at the Universidade Católica Portuguesa in Lisbon – serves as a reminder that, before all else, ecumenism is not a human invention nor a political question, but is founded on the Lord's prayer and forms part of his testament, and hence is not dependent either on sudden success or temporary failures. For this very reason and despite all obstacles, we should have no doubt as to its importance or its obligatory nature: it is an irreversible process of fidelity to Christ, confirmed by the Council and by the post-Conciliar popes. What has already been achieved in the ecumenical dialogue of the last few decades, both in terms of theological dialogue and a drawing closer in a mutual relationship, is extremely significant. But there is an awareness that we have entered a new phase in ecumenism, marked by considerable disillusion, unfulfilled expectations, new questions that have arisen, internal tensions that have emerged within the Churches themselves. In this situation it is important to avoid both the risk of ecumenism becoming a mere academic question, and the danger of falling into an ecumenical activism, not 'received' by the Christian communities. It is essential particularly to remember that it is the Holy Spirit that is the true driving force of the ecumenical movement. For this reason, it is crucial for us to deepen and to live spiritual ecumenism as an interior renovation, a conversion of mentalities, a purification of memories, a capacity to pardon. In this sense we need to develop an ecumenical spirituality, giving new vigour to what is already happening in small groups at various levels: in this respect, decisively for the future, it is possible to go much further than hitherto, without harming the canonical laws in this respect. But the priority that is granted to spiritual ecumenism does not diminish the importance of theological dialogue, but rather provides it with an existential support that is broader, richer and more effective. ; O presente texto – uma conferência pronunciada na Faculdade de Teologia da Universidade Católica Portuguesa, em Lisboa – lembra, antes de mais, que o ecumenismo não é uma invenção humana nem uma questão política, mas assenta na oração do Senhor, faz parte do seu testamento, pelo que não está dependente nem de um sucesso rápido nem de fracassos temporários. Não pode, por isso mesmo e apesar de todos os obstáculos, duvidar-se da sua importância e da sua obrigatoriedade: é um processo irreversível de fidelidade a Cristo, confirmada pelo Concílio e pelos papas pós-conciliares. O que já se conseguiu no diálogo ecuménico das últimas décadas, tanto em termos de diálogo teológico como de aproximação no relacionamento mútuo, é extremamente significativo. Mas há a consciência de que se entrou numa nova fase do ecumenismo, marcada por muita desilusão, expectativas não cumpridas, novas questões que surgem, tensões internas que emergem dentro das próprias Igrejas. Nesta situação importa evitar tanto o risco de o ecumenismo se tornar uma mera questão académica, como o perigo de se cair num activismo ecuménico, não "recebido" pelas comunidades cristãs. É fundamental, sobretudo, ter presente que o Espírito Santo é o verdadeiro impulsionador do movimento ecuménico. Torna-se indispensável, por isso, aprofundar e viver o ecumenismo espiritual como renovação interior, conversão de mentalidades, purificação de memórias, capacidade de perdão. Nesse sentido urge desenvolver uma espiritualidade ecuménica, dando novo vigor ao que já vai acontecendo em pequenos grupos e a vários níveis: neste aspecto, decisivo para o futuro, é possível ir muito mais longe do que até aqui, sem ferir as leis canónicas a este respeito. Mas a prioridade que se reconhece ao ecumenismo espiritual não diminui a importância do diálogo teológico, antes dá-lhe um suporte existencial mais amplo, mais rico e mais eficaz.

In the last two decades, many cities have faced changes in their economic basis and therefore adopted an entrepreneurial approach in the municipal administration accompanied by city marketing strategies. Brazilian cities have also adopted this approach, like the case of Florianópolis. Florianópolis has promoted advertising campaigns on the natural resources of the Island of Santa Catarina as well as on its quality of life in comparison to other cities. However, due also to such campaigns, it has experienced a great demographic growth and, consequently, infrastructural and social problems. Nevertheless, it seems to have a good image within the national urban scenario and has been commonly considered an "urban consumption dream" for many Brazilians. This paradoxical situation is the reason why it has been chosen as the research object in this dissertation. Thus, the questions of this research are: is there a gap between the promise and the performance of the city of Florianópolis? If so, can tourists and residents recognize it? And finally, how can this gap be demonstrated? Accordingly, the main objective of this research is to propose a conformity assessment approach applicable to cities, by which the content of city advertisement campaigns can be compared to its performance indicators and satisfaction degree of its consumers. Therefore, this approach is composed by different methods: literature and legislation reviews, semi-structured and structured interviews with experts and inhabitants, an urban centrality development analysis, a qualitative discourse analysis of advertising material (including images), a qualitative content analysis of newspaper reports and a questionnaire survey. Finally, the theses are: yes, there is a gap between promise and performance of Florianópolis; this promise is a result of city marketing campaigns which advertise its natural features and at the same time hiding its urban aspects, supported by some political and private actors, mainly interested in the development of tourism and real estate market in the city; this gap has been already recognized by tourists and more intensively by residents; the selected methods worked as a kind of conformity assessment for cities and tourist destinations; and last but not least, since there is a gap, it designates the practice of "make-up urbanism". Research limitations are the short time frame covered by this analysis and small and non-representative samples. However, its relevance lies in the attempt to fill in two disciplinary lacunas: a conformity assessment approach for cities and the creation of knowledge about Florianópolis and its further presentation at an international level, on the one hand. On the other hand, the transfer of this approach to other cities would help explaining a (common) contemporary urban phenomenon and appeal for more ethical conduct and transparency in the practices of city marketing. ; In den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten sahen sich viele Städte zunehmend einer Veränderung ihrer ökonomischen Basis ausgesetzt, was zum Aufgreifen unternehmerischer Ansätze mit Strategien des Stadtmarketings führte. Brasilianische Städte wie Florianópolis haben diesen Ansatz ebenfalls adaptiert, u.a. durch Werbekampagnen über die natürlichen Ressourcen der Insel Santa Catarina und eine höhere Lebensqualität. Diese trugen allerdings auch zu einem demografischen Wachstum mit begleitenden infrastrukturellen und sozialen Problemen bei. Dennoch scheint Florianópolis insgesamt ein gutes Image zu haben. Diese paradoxe Situation ist der Grund, weshalb die Stadt als Fallstudie für die vorliegende Dissertation ausgewählt wurde. Die Forschungsfragen sind deshalb folgende: Gibt es eine Diskrepanz zwischen dem Versprechen und der tatsächlichen Performanz der Stadt Florianópolis? Falls ja, können Touristen und Einwohner diese wahrnehmen? Der Hauptfokus liegt auf dem Erarbeiten einer auf Städte anwendbaren Konformitätsbewertung, durch die der Inhalt von städtischen Werbekampagnen mit ihren tatsächlichen Performanzindikatoren und dem Zufriedenheitsgrad ihrer Konsumenten verglichen werden kann. Der Ansatz basiert dabei auf mehreren Methoden: der Auswertung von Literatur und Gesetzen, halbstrukturierten und strukturierten Interviews mit Experten und Einwohnern der Stadt Florianópolis, einer Analyse über die Entwicklung der Stadtzentralität, der qualitativen Diskursanalyse von Werbematerial (inkl. Bildern), der qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse von Zeitungsartikeln sowie einer Umfrage mittels Fragebogen. Die Thesen sind dabei folgende: 1. Ja, es gibt eine Diskrepanz zwischen Versprechen und tatsächlicher Performanz der Stadt Florianópolis. 2. Dieses Versprechen ist das Resultat von Stadtmarketingkampagnen, welche ihre natürlichen Eigenschaften bewerben, dabei aber gleichzeitig urbane Aspekte verbergen. 3. Die ermittelte Diskrepanz wurde bereits von Touristen und Einwohnern wahrgenommen. 4. Die ausgewählten Methoden stellen eine Konformitätsbewertung für Städte und Touristenziele dar. 5. Da es eine Diskrepanz gibt, ist diese bestimmend für die Praxis einer 'Make-up-Urbanistik'. Als Forschungsgrenzen sind der enge analysierte Zeitraum sowie verhältnismäßig kleine und nicht repräsentative Beispiele zu benennen. Die Relevanz der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt jedoch in dem Versuch, zwei disziplinäre Leerräume zu füllen: Zum einen durch den Ansatz einer Konformitätsbewertung für Städte im Allgemeinen mit der Generierung von Wissen über Florianópolis im Besonderen sowie zum anderen durch den Vorschlag einer weiterführenden Übertragung dieses Ansatzes auf andere Städte, um ein allgemeines urbanes Phänomen dieser Zeit zu erklären und dadurch Anreize zu schaffen für mehr Ethik und Transparenz in der Praxis des Stadtmarketings.

During the 1990s, Latin America went through important structural transformations. The continent experienced a profound alteration in the relations between the state, society, market and natural environment. Societies have been trying to accommodate, contest and resist this restructuring, particularly once it became evident its negative effects on poverty reduction and the increasingly social and geographical inequalities. In the province of Misiones, northeast Argentina, neoliberal-inspired territorial transformations occurred in the 1990s and 2000s. Along with decreasingly favourable market conditions for small-scale agriculture production, different conflicts over land were catalysed. Eventually,the whole new economic development model based on the opening up of the provincial economy started to be questioned by many actors, who questioned as well the traditional patterns of farming production. In this context, a rural development arena emerged. This arena is a social and political space of participation and debate concerning the farming sector, an arena from which "alternative" rural development discourses and practices emerge. Novel strategies have fuelled interesting territorial dynamics that focus on the creation of new local ways of life, agricultures and markets. In this context, the objective of this thesis is to analyse the diverse understandings of rural development actors have, as well as the consequences of alternative rural development interventions in family agriculture. In particular, I am interested in scrutinizing how different discourses and practices (material expressions) frame and create new relations between society and state, market and nature. The ultimate aim of the research is to contribute to the current debate in Latin America about social change in rural areas, by exploring the linkages between rural development strategies and the construction of new geographies, new territories. The thesis have sought to answer the following research questions: What narratives and discourses on development are currently disputing the territory in the province of Misiones? What kinds of territories are under construction as a result of "alternative development" strategies and practices implemented by different actors in the rural development arena in interaction with "conventional" development strategies? In what ways are the new territorial dynamics reflecting the construction of an alternative development(s) and new territories and geographies? The evidence shows that actors in the rural development arena seek to put into practice agroecology, a kind of agriculture environmental and socially oriented, as a means to sustain agriculture and at the same time allow 'rooting' families to land. Agroecology is a territorial dynamic that intends to "fix people in space" by giving them the chance to live on agriculture or in the countryside and appropriate their territory. By creating new projects, new horizons of actions and thoughts and by being farmers and putting land under production, the family agriculture sector sustains and reproduces itself. However, if these projects do not bring in the middle and long term wellbeing to people, rooting farmers to land will be assisting subsistence agriculture and the reproduction of cheap labour force for the agroindustrial companies with economic interests in Misiones. Particularly, in the case of tobacco, since there seems to be currently few alternatives to this crop that could provide stable monetary incomes to families. For families to be rooted instead of moving to towns and cities or in search of new lands, or providing cheap labour to companies while eking out a living from subsistence agriculture, discourses and practices must contribute to the creation of material possibilities and bring about in the long term structural changes: legal access to land, fair participation in markets, strong participation in policy making, etc. Interventions in ecological agriculture are not just an attack on what locally has been labelled as 'conventional' and 'modern' agriculture; they are at the same time constructing new opportunities, together and despite that kind of agriculture. What started once as a promotion and strengthening of subsistence agriculture, developed into a movement for another agriculture (una otra agricultura). In confronting and creating alternatives, the roles of the state, the market and nature were redefined and reappropriated by people.

In the last two decades, many cities have faced changes in their economic basis and therefore adopted an entrepreneurial approach in the municipal administration accompanied by city marketing strategies. Brazilian cities have also adopted this approach, like the case of Florianópolis. Florianópolis has promoted advertising campaigns on the natural resources of the Island of Santa Catarina as well as on its quality of life in comparison to other cities. However, due also to such campaigns, it has experienced a great demographic growth and, consequently, infrastructural and social problems. Nevertheless, it seems to have a good image within the national urban scenario and has been commonly considered an "urban consumption dream" for many Brazilians. This paradoxical situation is the reason why it has been chosen as the research object in this dissertation. Thus, the questions of this research are: is there a gap between the promise and the performance of the city of Florianópolis? If so, can tourists and residents recognize it? And finally, how can this gap be demonstrated? Accordingly, the main objective of this research is to propose a conformity assessment approach applicable to cities, by which the content of city advertisement campaigns can be compared to its performance indicators and satisfaction degree of its consumers. Therefore, this approach is composed by different methods: literature and legislation reviews, semi-structured and structured interviews with experts and inhabitants, an urban centrality development analysis, a qualitative discourse analysis of advertising material (including images), a qualitative content analysis of newspaper reports and a questionnaire survey. Finally, the theses are: yes, there is a gap between promise and performance of Florianópolis; this promise is a result of city marketing campaigns which advertise its natural features and at the same time hiding its urban aspects, supported by some political and private actors, mainly interested in the development of tourism and real estate market in the city; this gap has been already recognized by tourists and more intensively by residents; the selected methods worked as a kind of conformity assessment for cities and tourist destinations; and last but not least, since there is a gap, it designates the practice of "make-up urbanism". Research limitations are the short time frame covered by this analysis and small and non-representative samples. However, its relevance lies in the attempt to fill in two disciplinary lacunas: a conformity assessment approach for cities and the creation of knowledge about Florianópolis and its further presentation at an international level, on the one hand. On the other hand, the transfer of this approach to other cities would help explaining a (common) contemporary urban phenomenon and appeal for more ethical conduct and transparency in the practices of city marketing. ; In den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten sahen sich viele Städte zunehmend einer Veränderung ihrer ökonomischen Basis ausgesetzt, was zum Aufgreifen unternehmerischer Ansätze mit Strategien des Stadtmarketings führte. Brasilianische Städte wie Florianópolis haben diesen Ansatz ebenfalls adaptiert, u.a. durch Werbekampagnen über die natürlichen Ressourcen der Insel Santa Catarina und eine höhere Lebensqualität. Diese trugen allerdings auch zu einem demografischen Wachstum mit begleitenden infrastrukturellen und sozialen Problemen bei. Dennoch scheint Florianópolis insgesamt ein gutes Image zu haben. Diese paradoxe Situation ist der Grund, weshalb die Stadt als Fallstudie für die vorliegende Dissertation ausgewählt wurde. Die Forschungsfragen sind deshalb folgende: Gibt es eine Diskrepanz zwischen dem Versprechen und der tatsächlichen Performanz der Stadt Florianópolis? Falls ja, können Touristen und Einwohner diese wahrnehmen? Der Hauptfokus liegt auf dem Erarbeiten einer auf Städte anwendbaren Konformitätsbewertung, durch die der Inhalt von städtischen Werbekampagnen mit ihren tatsächlichen Performanzindikatoren und dem Zufriedenheitsgrad ihrer Konsumenten verglichen werden kann. Der Ansatz basiert dabei auf mehreren Methoden: der Auswertung von Literatur und Gesetzen, halbstrukturierten und strukturierten Interviews mit Experten und Einwohnern der Stadt Florianópolis, einer Analyse über die Entwicklung der Stadtzentralität, der qualitativen Diskursanalyse von Werbematerial (inkl. Bildern), der qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse von Zeitungsartikeln sowie einer Umfrage mittels Fragebogen. Die Thesen sind dabei folgende: 1. Ja, es gibt eine Diskrepanz zwischen Versprechen und tatsächlicher Performanz der Stadt Florianópolis. 2. Dieses Versprechen ist das Resultat von Stadtmarketingkampagnen, welche ihre natürlichen Eigenschaften bewerben, dabei aber gleichzeitig urbane Aspekte verbergen. 3. Die ermittelte Diskrepanz wurde bereits von Touristen und Einwohnern wahrgenommen. 4. Die ausgewählten Methoden stellen eine Konformitätsbewertung für Städte und Touristenziele dar. 5. Da es eine Diskrepanz gibt, ist diese bestimmend für die Praxis einer 'Make-up-Urbanistik'. Als Forschungsgrenzen sind der enge analysierte Zeitraum sowie verhältnismäßig kleine und nicht repräsentative Beispiele zu benennen. Die Relevanz der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt jedoch in dem Versuch, zwei disziplinäre Leerräume zu füllen: Zum einen durch den Ansatz einer Konformitätsbewertung für Städte im Allgemeinen mit der Generierung von Wissen über Florianópolis im Besonderen sowie zum anderen durch den Vorschlag einer weiterführenden Übertragung dieses Ansatzes auf andere Städte, um ein allgemeines urbanes Phänomen dieser Zeit zu erklären und dadurch Anreize zu schaffen für mehr Ethik und Transparenz in der Praxis des Stadtmarketings.

The overall purpose of this thesis is to study how the development of the electricity transmission grids in the Nordic countries can be given a stronger international perspective. This is a relevant issue for the further development of the regional Nordic electricity market. The thesis consists of an introductory chapter and two self-contained papers.Paper I analyses how an international cost sharing agreement for transmission analyses how an international cost sharing agreement for transmission investments could be designed to improve the regional perspective in grid development. The study is focused on how different agreements may affect the investment decisions made by TSOs for grid expansions where several countries are involved. This type of expansion has become a problem in grid development because although it is beneficial for several countries, it might still not be realised due to lack of a formalised practice for sharing the investment cost. The basis for cost sharing will be a cost-benefit analysis of the regional effects that a given expansion has. To model how a cost sharing agreement can be applied to this situation, two stages are defined. First a political stage where a cost sharing agreement is assumed to be formed among the countries in a region, followed by a TSO stage where decisions on specific expansions are made. The analysis is focused on the TSOs' decisions in the second stage. Cooperative game theory (CGT) is used to predict under which agreements that an investment coalition is formed. The cost sharing agreements evaluated consist of combinations of a contribution principle, a compensation principle (to account for negative spill-overs) and an allocation rule. The results show that the design of the agreement will affect the decision to invest or not. Two alternative rules are identified as good choices for providing incentives to invest; the nucleolus and proportional rules. Regarding the compensation principles it is concluded that full compensation should not be used.Paper II develops an incentive regulation method that can be used to provide TSOs develops an incentive regulation method that can be used to provide TSOs with economic incentives to focus on electricity market integration. A benchmark model is constructed to assess the performance of TSOs in facilitating cross-border trade. The model is based on the output-oriented technical efficiency of the TSOs, which is linked to market integration by defining an output measure for TSOs that includes the market expanding effects of trade. The output measure is the sum of national electricity consumption including imports plus exports of electricity. It is argued that TSOs can increase this output by expanding the trade capacities with neighbouring countries. The benchmark model is based on a stochastic production frontier defined by a translog output distance function with two outputs and three inputs. The frontier is empirically estimated by a fixed effects model using a panel data set of six TSOs. The included TSOs are the four Nordic and those of Belgium and the Netherlands (BL-NL). The estimated efficiency scores are in the range 61-100 percent, with the Nordic TSOs showing higher scores relative BL-NL. This can be explained by a lower level of electricity trade in the BL-NL region compared to the Nordic region. The use of the efficiency scores in a regulatory incentive scheme is demonstrated. The scheme is based on a reward/penalty mechanism that uses the efficiency scores to evaluate a TSO's development between two periods in relation to a target efficiency level. The results of this study show that the suggested regulation method could be used as a means to evaluate and set targets for the TSO's task of facilitating market integration. ; Godkänd; 2010; 20101027 (hannyl); LICENTIATSEMINARIUM Ämnesområde: Nationalekonomi Examinator: Docent Robert Lundmark, Luleå tekniska universitet Extern opponent: Docent Thomas Tangerås Institutet för Näringslivsforskning, Stockholm Tid: Tisdag den 30 november, klockan 12.30 Plats: A109, Luleå tekniska universitet

'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.

The greatest problems of the Lithuania country is facing are economic and social: there is an economic recession in the country; the country has lost its eastern markets for agricultural and industriaI products; the standard of living has declined after the political changes; and the crime rate is high. In terms of social development, rural disposable household income is lower than in Lithuania urban areas. In that respect, over-dependence on agriculture is equally a serious problem in rural areas demanding for a diversification of rural activities and employment opportunities. This will be increasingly important when the agriculture and processing sectors become more ef'ficient. Moreover, basic living conditions are comparatively poorer in rural areas than in the cities, and a tendency to ageing of rural population can be a threat to economic vitality. Social and economic changes taking places in Lithuania countryside are changing the problem of gender dimension. The goal of this research was to show the main aspects of leadership in the rural areas of Lithuania in the context oftoday's trade and gender dimension and integration. The main problems in rural areas are related to the current agrarian reform; people are motivated to start private farming, but they do not have enough resources. Rural people have also lost many of the social and communal services main- tained by big state and collective farms. The proportion of women in the totallabour force is high at 48 percent. However, forms of occupational sex segregation can be seen. In rural areas women are mainly involved in unskilled work in the fields, cowsheds, pig or poultry farms, or in social services. A special problem in rural areas is that the privatization of state and collective farms has led to the loss ofthe social services they supplied. If kindergartens are closed, it is difficult for women to have paid employment outside the home There is a great difference in the age structure of men and women in rural areas; in the oldest age group (over 65 years) there are many more women than meno The level of education is far lower in rural than in urban areas, and the educationallevel of rural women is lower than that of rural meno Although there is now more migration from cities to rural areas than vice versa, young and unmarried women have a tendency to move from rural areas to cities, or foreign countries. The greatest problems for rural women are economic and caused by unemployment or a heavy work load. Other problems are the lack of district hospitals, matemity clinics and pharmacies in rural areas and the fact that transportation costs to regional centres are high. It is al so problematic that there are no extension services in home economics, home management or in new job opportunities such as rural entrepreneurship or agrotourism. In addition, discrimination against women in employrnent persists. The transition period in society has been particularly difficult for women because of the threat ofunemployment and the diminishing social services (such as kindergardens). The statistical data show, that women representation in alllevels of govemmental structures of Lithuania Repub- lic is insufficient. Quite big gap between man and women possibilities, seekingprofessional career, and in gender equality in general is noticeable. This study assesses female and male leadership in Lithuania rural areas through analysis of interviews with govemment officials and recognized local leaders. Findings of previous community studies, which suggested that structural characteristics of communities influence their leadership patterns, have been incorporated into this study of gender. Key and action informant data were collected in all regions of rural Lithuania which differ in levels of urban presence and pressure. The findings revealed that men dominated rural leadership positions and were recognized as leaders more often than women, but that the gender ratios ofleaders, as well as the types ofwomen leaders who emer- ged, varied by site.

Abstract This research project lies at the intersection of immigrant incorporation, academic institutions, urban politics and U.S. law. I am interested on the role of local, state, and federal laws and policies in creating institutional conditions and fostering social networks that influence democratic politics and levels of immigrant assimilation and incorporation. To that end, I investigate the social networking ability of academic institutional actors (specifically undocumented AB540 students) based on conditions created and fostered by state and federal policy within schools. I examine the role of schools and school activities in offering opportunities and creating (or not) fertile conditions for social networking that may ultimately lead to segmented patterns of academic achievement and/or social incorporation of immigrant students and I analyze the role of undocumented AB540 students within these networks in democratic politics, more specifically in creating, re-creating, and/or re-defining legality. For over three years, I conducted brief and in-depth interviews with 20 undocumented AB540 students and executed monthly shadowing sessions and participant observations of 6 of these student participants. I also conducted archival research, including legislative histories of immigration and education policies, and analyzed the content of coverage in local mainstream and ethnic media, including newspapers and talk-shows. Based on this multi-method research design, I argue that local, state, and federal policies create institutional conditions that offer opportunities for undocumented immigrants to latch on to social networks that may affect their levels of academic achievement and social incorporation. This in turn, helps us to understand the varying and segmented patterns of academic achievement and social incorporation of immigrant youth that continue to maintain structures of social inequality. This project expands upon the literature on immigrant assimilation and incorporation by analyzing the benefits and drawbacks of local, state and federal laws like Plyler vs. Doe and AB540 that grant undocumented youth opportunities for inclusion and incorporation through education yet, at the same time they set limitations that often lead to social and economic barriers and consequently end up sending mixed and conflicting messages. This project also contributes to the literature on the schooling of immigrant children and youth, particularly Latino youth. In the last half-century, schooling has emerged as both - "the first sustained, meaningful, and enduring participation in an institution of the new society" and "the surest path to well-being and status mobility" (Suarez-Orozco, C., Suarez-Orozco, M., Todorova, p. 2, 2008). In schools, immigrant youth forge new friendships, create and solidify social networks, and acquire the academic, linguistic, and cultural knowledge that ultimately sustains them throughout their journey in the U.S. This said, my project also contributes to literature on social capital as it investigates how people's social capital responds to organizational conditions and supports research that argues that social networks are "sets of context-dependent relations resulting from routine processes in organizational context" and as a result "individuals receive distinct advantages from being embedded in effective broker-organizations that both, intentionally and unintentionally, connect people to other people, organizations, and their resources" (Small, p.vi, 2009). This research also shows that many practices, resources, and information available and offered to undocumented AB540 students often result from larger factors such as policies of the state, something far removed from these students' daily lived experiences. Furthermore, this project makes a contribution to the urban politics literature by highlighting that undocumented AB540 students are a distinct type of urban political actors with a presence and influence in local politics that is different from that of other immigrants, minorities, and underrepresented groups. Finally, I believe the results of this project will help shape our knowledge of the possibilities and challenges local, state, and federal legislations provide for how we define legality, citizenship, and belonging as well as how we analyze immigrants' processes of assimilation and/or incorporation to address the diversity challenges of America's sizable undocumented Latino population.

'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.

'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.