Suchergebnisse

La guerre de Sécession américaine transforma la communauté médicale américaine du Nord, celle du Sud en proie à la pénurie, ainsi que la médecine vétérinaire à l'époque sous-développée. Elles adoptèrent des approches communes associées à « l'école de Paris » de médecine clinique. Les circonstances de la guerre firent s'élargir le champ d'intervention des médecins et des vétérinaires (élites diplômées ou ruraux ayant été formés sur le terrain), pour y intégrer des approches scientifiques et sanitaires alternatives qu'ils avaient été nombreux à refuser catégoriquement avant la guerre. Ces évolutions furent à la fois délibérées et fruits des circonstances, tout en étant facilitées par le contexte militaire. Les médecins les plus influents, formés à l'étranger avant la guerre et déjà acculturés aux pratiques scientifiques, obligèrent les chirurgiens du rang à adopter de nouvelles techniques. Par ailleurs, l'urgence et l'ampleur des problèmes, ainsi que les privations causées par la crise sanitaire de guerre, les encouragèrent à improviser et accepter de nouvelles méthodes. Les officiers chirurgiens et vétérinaires bénéficiaient d'une protection professionnelle due à leur rang et d'une population de patients captive et obéissante. La guerre a donné le jour à un ensemble de pratiques médicales, sous l'enseigne de la science, et a contribué à la revendication d'une nouvelle identité professionnelle. Ces évolutions de la médecine humaine et vétérinaire ont survécu à la guerre, dont témoignent des publications, des associations professionnelles et des instituts de formation.

Intro -- Foreword -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- About This Book -- References -- Contents -- Contributors -- Democracy and Political Governance in South Africa -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Democracy -- 3 Governance -- 4 Democratic Structures and Governance in South Africa -- 5 The Crisis of Governance in South Africa -- 6 Toward a Renewed Democratic Governance in South Africa -- 7 Conclusions -- References -- A Critique of South Africa´s Quest for Accountable, Efficient and Effective Public Service -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Key Legislative Instruments of the South African Public Service: An Overview -- 3 Conceptualizing the Notions of Accountability, Efficiency and Effectiveness -- 4 A Synopsis of South African APRM Issues (Related to the Objective of Accountable, Efficient and Effective Public Service) -- 5 Analysis and Emerging Insights -- 6 Regulatory Framework for Service Delivery -- 7 Service Delivery -- 8 Monitoring Government Performance -- 9 Corruption in the Public Service and State Capture -- 10 Capacity Building, Training and Professionalization of the Public Service -- 11 Accountability -- 12 Recommendations -- 13 Conclusion -- References -- Evaluating the Commitment of South Africa to the Principles of Separation of Powers -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Emerging Insights on Constitutional Democracy and Separation of Power -- 3 Conceptualization of the Principle of Separation of Power and Check and Balance -- 3.1 Separation of Power -- 3.2 Check and Balance -- 4 Separation of Powers and Checks and Balances in Action -- 4.1 Good Governance -- 4.2 Accountability -- 4.3 Legislative Oversights Responsibilities and Transparency -- 4.4 Veto Power and Players -- 4.5 Judicial Independence and Separation of Powers -- 5 Recommendations -- 6 Conclusion -- References.

Abstract
The perception that many other people are being reached and affected by political communication can be a reason for intensifying one's own communication activities. An online survey among German citizens (n = 2,957) was carried out to determine whether this is also true for political communication activities via social media. Results show that the presumed reach and the presumed influence of Facebook and Twitter with regard to the individual's circle of friends/acquaintances affect the intensity of online communication. However, perceptions concerning the population in general are not relevant. This indicates that individuals primarily address their own social environment with their political social networking practices. Thus, by concentrating on perceptual processes, the findings contribute to shedding light on the causes and motives for political communication activities in the social media world.

Reading Bourdieu as a political sociologist -- Forms of power in Bourdieu's sociology -- Capitals and fields of power -- For a sociology of symbolic power -- Bourdieu's analysis of the state -- For an intellectual politics of symbolic power -- Critical sociologist and public intellectual -- For democratic politics.

"Tens of thousands of Jewish children were orphaned during World War I and in the subsequent years of conflict. In response, Jewish leaders in Poland established CENTOS, the Central Union of Associations for Jewish Orphan Care. Through CENTOS, social workers and other professionals cooperated to offer Jewish children the preparation necessary to survive during a turbulent period. They established new organizations that functioned beyond the authority of the recognized Jewish community and with the support of Polish officials. The work of CENTOS exemplifies the community's goal to build a Jewish future. Translations of sources from CENTOS publications in Yiddish and Polish describe the lives of the orphaned Jewish children and the tireless efforts of adults to better the children's circumstances"--

For this first interview in the Conversas section, we decided collectively to speak with researchers who had been part of the Social Sciences Area of the CIFFyH since its creation, or who had developed their intellectual work in close relationship with the institution. With this objective, we contacted Mirta Antonelli, Ana Correa, Alicia Gutiérrez and Patricia Morey, who were willing to meet and talk with us. Between mates and flour we chatted intensely for almost three hours in a bubbling dialogue that in its drift went through numerous questions, reaching a direct, kind and deep rope. The stories of the CIFFyH mentioned in the interview were reconstructed together in an emotional exchange in which evocation was also linked to moments of the present, to experiences, places and current problems. Throughout the meeting, the figure of María Saleme de Burnichon, who gives our centre its name, appeared strongly in all its dimensions: political, educational, militant and intellectual. This gave us access to stories of the space in which we work, marked by struggles and disputes, but also by affections and encounters. ; Para esta primera entrevista de la sección Conversas decidimos colectivamente hablar con investigadoras que hubieran formado parte del Área de Ciencias Sociales del CIFFyH desde su creación, o que hubieran desarrollado su trabajo intelectual en estrecha relación con la institución. Con este objetivo, nos pusimos en contacto con Mirta Antonelli, Ana Correa, Alicia Gutiérrez y Patricia Morey, quienes se mostraron dispuestas a encontrarse y conversar con nosotros. Entre mates y harinas charlamos intensamente durante casi tres horas en un diálogo a borbotones que en su deriva atravesó por numerosas cuestiones, alcanzando una cuerda directa, amable y profunda. Las historias del CIFFyH que aparecen mencionadas en la entrevista fueron reconstruidas entre todas, en un intercambio emotivo en los que la evocación estuvo también ligada a momentos del presente, a vivencias, lugares y problemáticas actuales. A lo largo de la reunión apareció fuertemente la figura de María Saleme de Burnichon, quien le da nombre a nuestro centro, en todas sus dimensiones: política, docente, militante e intelectual. Esto nos permitió acceder a historias del espacio en el que trabajamos, marcadas por luchas y disputas, pero también por afectos y encuentros.

The author intends to explain how Fernando Martinez Heredia brings back the "uses" of Gramsci's work to reshape our understanding of XX Century Cuba, particularly the anti-Machado movement of 1930. This works focuses on three areas: 1) the conception of history as an issue; 2) the political dimension of the subject in history, and 3) the role of time as analytical axis of the Cuban reality. Throughout the article, we take into consideration the works of another Cuban scholar, Alejo Carpentier, who also studied the 1930 popular uprising. Both of them understood social mobilization in a particular way, mainly focusing on the people's life experiences. However, they have a difference. One of them, the novelist, used existentialist arguments in the analysis, while the historian brought a social dimension to it. ; En este trabajo se intenta explicar cómo el historiador Fernando Martínez Heredia retoma los "usos" de Gramsci para reconstruir el largo siglo XX cubano, en particular la Revolución antimachadista de 1930. El artículo se centra en tres puntos: 1) la concepción de la historia como problema; 2) la dimensión política del sujeto de la historia, y 3) el papel del tiempo como eje analítico de la realidad cubana. A lo largo del trabajo se hacen cruces con la obra de otro cubano, Alejo Carpentier, que también dedicó parte de su obra a explicar la revuelta popular de 1930. Ambos cubanos presentan una forma peculiar de reconstruir y entender la movilización social: a partir de la vida y la experiencia de los sujetos anónimos. La diferencia estriba en que para el novelista el proceso tiene un carácter existencialista, mientras que para el historiador tiene una dimensión social. A manera de un montaje cinematográfico se intercalan citas de Gramsci para resaltar las deudas que con él tiene Martínez Heredia.

One of the primary concerns of studying historiography is to assess the quality and technique of history writing. We must also pay attention to the structure embedded in history writing, useful in making a historian/critic aware of the politics of representation. Twentieth century debates on the technique, structure, and theme of history writing have recorded the emergence of "oriented" history, by which I mean, history writing has been transformed and rearranged along multiple sub-disciplines and genres. The objective of this paper is to analyze historical writing to show that history can at the same time be a correlation between the conjoncture and the event. Rather than being watertight compartments or superior to the cultural space of the individual, social life and socioeconomic relationships are realized through various cultural practices and modes of cultural production. In fact, as I shall study in this paper, socioeconomic relations and cultural practice are co-constitutive. In this sense, my intention is to remodel/restructure the compartmental structure of analysis—as history post Annales has done—to propose a more mutual interaction between the two. I propose to do that through a comparative analysis of two texts, Smuggling as Subversion (1998) by Amar Farooqui and Smuggler Nation (2013) by Peter Andreas. The focus of comparison shall be the way each historian studies the socioeconomic significance of smuggling in each context, and the role smuggling played in redefining/reproducing the social relations between the colonizers and the colony. It is imperative for such comparative study to understand that the historical method of analysis and thematic content of history depends on authorial intentions and the historical context in which it is put.

1. Practice, status, public health and the army medical officer, 1818-1890 -- 2. The medical officer in "The new school of scientific medicine", 1861-1898 -- 3. The other war of 1898 : the Army Medical Department's struggle with disease in the Volunteer Camps -- 4. Making the tropics fit for white men : army public health in the American imperial periphery, 1898-1914 -- 5. The ascendance of sanitation in the Army Medical Department and the quest for preparedness, 1901-1917 -- 6. Vice and the soldier : the Army Medical Department and public health as morality, 1890-1917.

This volume is a collection of intellectual biographies of economists, which the author has written over the last 16 years. There are four categories: accounts of Cambridge greats - Joan Robinson, Piero Sraffa, Nicholas Kaldor, Richard Kahn; oral histories of Lorie Tarshis, George Shackle, Kenneth Boulding and Richard Goodwin; memoirs of close friends of the author who have died; and shorter essays which include John Hicks, James Meade, Brian Reddaway, Arthur Smithies, Heinz Arndt and J.M.Keynes.

The article examines autobiographies of persons who have belonged to different Islamic groups. The so-called cycle of engagement of an individual person – a "personal protest cycle" – to the Islamic activism is examined through the autobiographies. The main questions will be: how did one become an Islamic activist; how did the actual engagement occur; how did the activism evolve and how did the disengagement from the activism take place? Politics of emotions forms a general framework for understanding political activism and, more generally, protest or oppositional politics. ; The article examines autobiographies of persons who have belonged to different Islamic groups. The so-called cycle of engagement of an individual person – a "personal protest cycle" – to the Islamic activism is examined through the autobiographies. The main questions will be: how did one become an Islamic activist; how did the actual engagement occur; how did the activism evolve and how did the disengagement from the activism take place? Politics of emotions forms a general framework for understanding political activism and, more generally, protest or oppositional politics.

Most explanations for the creation of new state institutions locate the cause of change in the conditions or characteristics of the states themselves. Some aspect of a state's economic, social, political, or military situation is said to create a functional need for the new bureaucracy which then is taken up by one or more domestic groups who succeed in changing the state apparatus. However, changes in state structure may be prompted not only by changing conditions of individual states but also by socialization and conformance with international norms. In the case of one organizational innovation recently adopted by states across the international system, namely, science policy bureaucracies, indicators of state conditions and functional need for these entities are not correlated with the pattern for their adoption. Instead, adoption was prompted by the activities of an international organization which "taught" states the value of science policy organizations and established the coordination of science as an appropriate, and even a necessary, role for states. This finding lends support to constructivist or reflective theories that treat states as social entities shaped by international social action, as opposed to more conventional treatments of states as autonomous international agents.