Foreign policy is an essential component of Egypt's general state policy. Together with its traditional diplomatic and political functions, and given that development policy is considered a key objective, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry participates in the country's development effort by trying to attract foreign investment, obtain economic assistance and facilitate technology transfers. Egyptian diplomacy also seeks to maintain strong bilateral and multilateral relationships, which is another essential goal of Egypt's general policy. Strengthening traditional friendly relations as well as building new relationships enables Egypt to exercise influence and pursue its national interest all over the globe.
Abstract: This article maps the participation of women in Brazilian scientific production in the areas of Political Science and International Relations, from 2006 to 2016. To do so, six indicators were created, to measure women's participation in the production of master's dissertations, doctoral theses and scientific papers, as well as their participation as faculty members of graduate programs and their presence on editorial boards of important Brazilian Journals in these fields. The results revealed that, despite an increasing participation of women in recent years, the space they occupy is still underrepresented, especially when considering strategic positions related to education and research.
This is a sample syllabus for Political Science 202, International Relations submitted as part of the Global Studies Initiatives in Social Sciences Grant at Parkland College for the 2018-2019 academic year. Already a course with a global focus, the highlights indicate changes made in instruction that encouraged students to discuss global issues with each other.
Combining the tools of political, social, cultural, and intellectual history, Consumption and Violence: Radical Protest in Cold-War West Germany explores strategies of legitimization developed by advocates of militant resistance to certain manifestations of consumer capitalism. The book contributes to a more sober evaluation of West German protest movements, not just terrorism, as it refrains from emotional and moral judgments, but takes the protesters' approaches seriously, which, regarding consumer society, had a rational core. Political violence is not presented as the result of individual shortcomings, but emerges in relation to major societal changes, i.e., the unprecedented growth of consumption. This new perspective sheds important light on violence and radical protest in post-war Germany, as previous books have failed to examine to what extent these forms of resistance should be regarded as reactions to changing regimes of provision. Continuing the recently growing interest in the interdependence of countercultures and consumer society, the focus on violence gives the argument a unique twist, making the book thought-provoking and engaging.
Rozman shows how East Asia's international relations over three decades can be best understood through the lens of triangles, analyzing relations between the key nations through a series of trilateral relationships.He argues that triangles present a convincing answer to the question of whether we had entered a new era of bipolarity like the Cold War or an age of multipolarity. Triangulation emerged as a dynamic in East Asia in the aftermath of the Cold War and was accelerated in the course of the Xi and Trump administrations. Even as Sino-US competition and confrontation deepened, triangles had a substantial presence. East Asian triangles share an unusual mixture of three distinct elements: deep-seated security distrust, extraordinary economic interdependence, and a combustible composition of historical resentments and civilizational confidence. The combination of the three makes the case for triangularity more compelling, Rozman argues. The legacy of communism, the pursuit of reunification on the Korean Peninsula, and moves to expand beyond the US-Japan alliance have all driven the way triangles have evolved. Only as bipolarity intensified in the 2020s was triangularity losing ground. The degree of turnabout is analyzed for all of the cases considered. Rozman evaluates each key triangle of states in turn and assesses how the relationship impacts the region more widely. This book provides an essential framework for understanding the current state and trajectory of East Asian international relations, for students and policymakers.
Following the call for 'open science, open innovation, and open to the world' by the EU Commissioner for Research, Science and Innovation Carlos Moedas in 2015, the S4D4C case study looks for applications and implications of open science in science diplomacy. Presentation at the S4D4C Webinar 17 Dec 2020
Zheng He is not only an important figure in China's trade route in Southeast Asia until Africa, but He marked how cultural diplomacy carried out with a peaceful approach. Zheng He journey from China to various countries demonstrated how cultural diplomacy successfully is done. Therefore, the questions are: how is Zheng He diplomacy viewed from diplomacy in international relations study? What are the values that support this succeed? Is it can be a cultural diplomacy model in international relations study, at least for Asian countries? Those questions become the discussion in this article. The argument of this article is Zheng He does not only contribute to bilateral relations between China and the country where he visited, but he contributes in diplomacy study in international relations. Zheng He diplomatic style may become one of Asian diplomacy model, at least it contributes to the history of world diplomacy.
Diplomatische Praktiken findet man sowohl in der modernen Weltgesellschaft als auch in Stammes- und Adelsgesellschaften. Dieses Buch untersucht und vergleicht sie erstmals systematisch aus soziologischer Perspektive. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die These, dass die Hauptbedingung jeder Diplomatie in der Anerkennung von Grenzen liegt. Darüber hinaus werden auch unkonventionelle Fragen beantwortet: Wie verhandelt man etwa mit rituellen Artefakten oder mit diplomatischen Hochstaplern? Kann Unhöflichkeit diplomatische Autonomie steigern? Und wie ermöglicht Spionage vertrauensvolle Diplomatie?
In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia.
The European Union is the world's most advanced international organization, presiding over a level of legal and economic integration unmatched in global politics. To explain this achievement, many observers point to its formal rules that entail strong obligations and delegate substantial power to supranational actors such as the European Commission. This legalistic view, Mareike Kleine contends, is misleading. More often than not, governments and bureaucrats informally depart from the formal rules and thereby contradict their very purpose. Behind the EU's front of formal rules lies a thick network of informal governance practices. If not the EU's rules, what accounts for the high level of economic integration among its members? How does the EU really work? In answering these questions, Kleine proposes a new way of thinking about international organizations.
International business has always been intimately linked to the politics of the global economy. Expansion and investment strategies of business play a key role in de?ning the architecture of the global economy. The shifting dynamic of the global economy such as the emergence of fast growing economies in, for example, India, China, South Africa and Brazil can be partly explained by the emergence of new market players such as the India transnational car manufacturer Tata, as well as the adaptation of established international businesses in the West to the new market opportunities in the South and the East. Equally, the recent (and in places ongoing) economic crises of the West owes as much to the failures of international business — notably the banking and investment industry — as it does to the failures of government policy. At the same time the international political dimension to the global economy explains the regulatory forces which also determine the architecture of the global economy. The far reaching policy liberalization of international trade through international (namely the World Trade Organisation) and regional treaties and rule- making, and the global deregulation of the investment and ?nancial services sector of the global economy driven by the neoliberal policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have created economic risks and opportunities for international business by opening up and creating new markets. The strategies of nation states and international business determine the architecture of the global economy and create both economic crises and dynamic growth at one and the same time in the contemporary global economy. So it is that for much of the ?rst decade or so of the new century the West has endured an age of austerity brought on by sustained economic decline and high indebtedness. The once market dominant economies of the United States and West European economies are now struggling to reverse negative economic growth. By contrast large previously peripheral under- developed economies in Africa and Asia are enjoying remarkable and sustained growth rates and their exports and investments now fuel an overall growth in the global economy.
In this project report for the Global Studies Initiative at Parkland College, the instructor of Political Sciences 202, Introduction to International Relations, describes how the instructor adjusted a course already focused on international and multicultural issues to include increased student interaction with one another by incorporating class presentations into the curriculum.
The Russia-Europe relationship is deteriorating, signaling the darkest era yet in security on the continent since the end of the Cold War. In addition, the growing influence of the Trump administration has destabilized the transatlantic security community, compelling Europe—especially the European Union—to rethink its relations with Russia. The volume editors' primary goal is to illuminate the nature of the deteriorating security relationship between Europe and Russia, and the key implications for its future. While the book is timely, the editors and contributors also draw out long-term lessons from this era of diplomatic degeneration to show how increasing cooperation between two regions can devolve into rapidly escalating conflict. While it is possible that the relationship between Russia and Europe can ultimately be restored, it is also necessary to understand why it was undermined in the first place. The fact that these transformations occur under the backdrop of an uncertain transatlantic relationship makes this investigation all the more pressing. Each chapter in this volume addresses three dimensions of the problem: first, how and why the power status quo that had existed since the end of the Cold War has changed in recent years, as evidenced by Russia's newly aggressive posturing; second, the extent to which the EU's power has been enabled or constrained in light of Russia's actions; and third, the risks entailed in Europe's reactive power—that is, the tendency to act after-the-fact instead of proactively toward Russia—in light of the transatlantic divide under Trump.
Sociologists have traditionally paid scant attention to International Relations (IR) as a social-scientific discipline. Conversely, sociology plays a very limited role in IR, particularly in the large, mostly US-based mainstream. Even when IR scholars take ideas and theories from sociology, they are neither particularly interested in this fact nor capable of recognizing the significance of sociology for the history of the discipline as a whole, being as they are generally uninterested in intellectual history, as discussed in the first section. Despite the difficulty that the scarcity of relevant literature represents, in section two we identify some occasionally important traces of social theory on the IR mainstream, which encompasses both a neorealist and a neoliberal paradigm. By contrast, sociology is intrinsic to most IR scholarship outside the mainstream, which is considered here to be part of a third " reflectivist " paradigm, examined in the third section. Here the focus is set on the sociological elements identifiable in IR constructivism, Marxism, and critical theory, as well as in some European national traditions of inquiry. The conclusion buttresses these arguments with some empirical evidence and makes suggestions for further research. Sociologists have traditionally paid scant attention to International Relations (IR) as a social-scientific discipline 1. A small, but telling piece of evidence on sociologists' lack of interest in IR is the absence of an article on this subject in the fifteen-volume International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences (Sills 1968). The successor edition, extended to twenty-six volumes, included only two entries on IR and a few more on area studies (Smelser and Balter 2001); the most recent edition ignored IR altogether, containing not a single entry on the discipline, but included area studies (Wright 2015). This evidence suggests not only that sociologists' ignorance of IR is widespread but also that it has remained fairly constant across time. At least some IR scholars ...
This article attempts to reveal the contents of a relatively young concept of "scientiic diplomacy", which includes three dimensions (science in diplomacy, diplomacy for science, science for diplomacy), as well as to identify key practices of all three dimensions of science diplomacy. The author identiies key practices that illustrate the three dimensions of science diplomacy: development of recommendations to the international policy objectives (science in diplomacy); simpliication of the process of international scientiic cooperation (diplomacy for science); the use of scientiic alliances in order to improve international relations between countries (science for diplomacy). The author carries out a systematic analysis and gives a generalized description of their efectiveness and eiciency. The article analyzes the experience of the international cooperation of scientists through personal initiative and under the auspices of the National Science Foundation and other associations, such as the AAAS, GIS or LIGO. They have become a platform for studying the practices of the irst and second dimensions of science diplomacy – "science in diplomacy" and "diplomacy for science." Particular attention is paid to the Russell-Einstein Manifesto, which initiated the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Afairs, and, accordingly, the development of such a dimension as a "science for diplomacy". Date of scientists who are in the movement, make a signiicant contribution to the development of international scientiic cooperation and create conditions to improve the political climate. The author proposes as a landmark example of the third dimension of science diplomacy consider the Union of Concerned Scientists – Union of Concerned Scientists, which was founded in 1969 by faculty and students at MIT. Also, special attention is paid to the periodization of the development of science diplomacy, as the author concludes that it was after World War II, when scientists themselves have become actively involved in the resolution of ...