Suchergebnisse

Секция 8. Актуальные проблемы дипломатической практики и организации международных связей ; Рассматривается международная деятельность общественных организаций, учреждений науки, образования, культуры, местного самоуправления, а также частных лиц, направленных на развитие и укрепление дружественных отношений, научных, культурных и исторических связей между общественностью различных государств. Анализируются методы и формы народной дипломатии с помощью которых в не всегда благоприятных обстоятельствах создаются первичные условия обеспечивающие надлежащий морально-политический климат для формирования дипломатии официальной и снижению конфликтного потенциала межгосударственных отношений. Определяется специфика механизмов народной дипломатии позволяющая использовать при необходимости ее ресурс в качестве превентивного средства во внешней политике. Даются рекомендации по дальнейшему совершенствованию белорусско-польского сотрудничества в решении политических и культурных проблем. ; The international activity of public organizations, institutions of science, education, culture, local government, as well as individuals aimed at developing and strengthening friendly relations, scientific, cultural and historical relations between the public of various states is considered. The methods and forms of public diplomacy, which help to provide the proper moral and political climate for official diplomacy establishment and to reduce the interstate relations' conflict potential sometimes under unfavorable conditions are being analyzed. The specific nature of the public diplomacy mechanisms is determined, which makes it possible to use its resources as a preventive tool of foreign policy, if necessary. Recommendations are given on further improvement of the Belarusian-Polish cooperation in solving political and cultural problems.

This article is devoted to English historian F.S. Northedge (1918-1985) and his role in the development conception of international society and English School of International relations in 1960-1980.

This school consists of small group of scientists and diplomats, who were well educated in elite British universities like Cambridge and Oxford. They were acquainted with each other personally. British Committee for the Theory of International Politics in 1960-1970 was the center for the study of International Society. Such composition of the school demonstrated aristocratic character of the International relations study as intellectual pursuit in United Kingdom. Meanwhile, such people like Charles Manning, Fred Northedge, Edward Carr and some other famous people, who usually were English School members, did not taken part in the British Committee due to different reasons.

Thus, F.S. Northedge was untypical participant of English school and his scientific heritage need to be studied. Key factors of his biography and his views on International Policy are studies in the article. "Diplomatic style", "System of the state" and "International society" were the central concepts in his works. He met with these ideas in the London School of economy, where Charles Manning, Martin Wight and Headley Bull – founders of English School - had worked at International relations chair in different time. The analysis of these categories let make conclusion that F. Northedge agreed with main ideas of English School of International relations. But at the same time he understood them very originally. His system of the views demonstrated that British Committee for the Theory of International Politics, but not London School of economy, was the main center for the development conception of International Society in 1960-1980.

Раздел "Международные отношения" ; В статье проанализировано влияние идей национализма на содержание и характер международных отношений в прошлом и настоящем. Автор подчеркивает, что в условиях глобализации не исчезают проявления национального самосознания. Наоборот, в разных регионах планеты, включая территорию бывшего СССР, проявляется стремление к поиску национальной идентичности в крайней форме, что может привести к фашизации политических систем в отдельных странах. Такие тенденции подрывают основы международной безопасности, поскольку в перспективе в мире могут появиться десятки новых государственных образований. К сожалению, современные международные институты не уделяют данной проблеме внимания, и процесс носит в основном стихийный характер. = The article analyzes the influence of nationalistic ideas on the content and character of international relations in the past and at present. The author emphasizes that the manifestations of national identity do not disappear under globalization. To the contrary, various regions of the planet including the former USSR territory, demonstrate intense search for national identity in extreme forms which can lead to political systems becoming fascist in some countries. Such trends undermine the basis of international security since they may result eventually in emergence of scores of new states. Unfortunately, contemporary institutions do not pay sufficient attention to these problems, so the process bears a spontaneous character.

The paper defines the main approaches to understanding the strategic partnership between states in the international arena, identifies the main features of such a partnership. The author substantiates the thesis that at present the strategic partnership between states in the social, spiritual and cultural sphere is no longer of a secondary nature. The article defines the main directions of strategic partnership between states in the social, spiritual and cultural sphere at the present stage. The concept of changing the vector of Russia in the social, spiritual and cultural sphere at the present stage is substantiated.

This article assesses the impact of sovereign countries in global financial governance. It uses the methodology of international political economy that studies the interaction between political and economic processes in the international arena. It shows the dualistic nature of international financial institutions, which, on the one hand, represent intergovernmental organizations and, on the other hand, are financial institutions with financial goals. The author investigates the principles of sovereign equality, equitable geographical representation and equal (parity) representation of groups of countries with distinct interests in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Group of 20 (G20) and Financial Stability Board (FSB). The IMF's decision-making mechanism is shown in detail, including its executive board and the recent redistribution of quotas among member states, with special attention on the formula for calculating quotas, its criticism and possible reform. The article shows the major causes of reducing the impact of the IMF and the formation of a new, globally distributed system of financial governance. The article shows the hierarchy (by function as well as by country representativeness) of the system of global financial governance, established by 2010. It discusses the leadership of countries according to quantity and to key indicators (revenues, assets and market capitalization) of global systemically important financial institutions (banks and insurance company). Based on countries' membership in the G7 and the G20, the FSB, IMF, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and Bank for International Settlements countries are designated as at the core, semi-periphery or periphery of the international financial system in the context of the world systems theory. The influence of the technical elite, prevailing in the international financial sector, as well as the qualitative composition (education) of its members are revealed. The article concludes that there is significant polarization in the international financial system (core and the socalled marginal majority). Unlike the IMF, the newly created global financial institutions of the G20 and FSB fully comply with the principles of equitable geographical representation and parity representation of states with distinct interests.

This article is devoted to the history of the Department of Political Science and Sociology of Political Processes of the Faculty of Sociology at Lomonosov Moscow State University. The stages of the organization and formation of the Department, the processes of teaching formation and methodological activities, which have occurred over the thirty-year history of the Faculty of Sociology, are considered, and the priority areas of the professors research works are outlined. ; Представленная статья посвящена историческому аспекту развития кафедры политологии и социологии политических процессов социологического факультета Московского государственного университета имени М.В. Ломоносова. Рассмотрены произошедшие за тридцатилетнюю историю социологического факультета этапы организации и формирования кафедры, процессы становления учебно-методической деятельности, а также изложены приоритетные направления научно-исследовательской работы профессорскопреподавательского состава.

The author, parting from the premise that the world political analysts failed to foresee some prominent political changes of the recent times, comes to the conclusion about the inadequacy of the existing methods of political analysis and forecasting. Some recent scientifi c works by Russian and foreign specialists made him think that a purely rationalist approach to the world studies, that has been used since the times of the Renascence, partly exhausted itself. Along with the Russian authors Baranovski and Bogaturov, the Author thinks, that from now on our political analysis should be enriched by the introduction of some elements of a so called "natural – chaotic essence", which infl uences the world events through the element of "happening". The core of such an approach could include: 1) the recognition of a partial inadequacy of purely rationalist methods in our assessment of human nature and social phenomena; 2) the transference of the center of gravity in our social studies from economic to national-ethnic, culturological and civilizational aspects; 3) a wider use of historic analogies in the studies of all the problems of modern international relations. A linear character of our political forecasting will most evidently suffer because of that. Nevertheless, it would contribute to the elaboration of a more stereoscopic, complex view on the international relations as a whole and, particularly, on such problems as terrorism, illegal migration, separatism, and so on. The Author agrees with the thesis of some Occidental analysts (Bernard Yak, e.g.) that we should learn to "dutifully live" with certain irrational phenomena of political life (e.g. – nationalism), by purposely searching for and the accentuation of their "brighter" sides in the detriment of "dark" ones. The main prerequisite of such an accentuation, according to the Author, should be a wider use of education and culture. Culture, as a "positive" irrational actor (in all its demonstrations, including the political culture) should be seen as a promoter of a more active information strategy of Russia in the world arena. A shift for such a strategy is utterly necessary because a continuation of a "defensive" policy in this sphere can lead to signifi cant losses. ; В статье на основе анализа попыток предвидения глобальных политических сдвигов последних лет, делается вывод о несоответствии существующих методов политического анализа и прогнозирования складывающимся в мире реальностям. Изучение последних работ некоторых российских и зарубежных аналитиков утвердило автора в мысли о том, что сугубо рационалистический подход к постижению политической реальности, господствовавший со времен эпохи Возрождения, в значительной степени исчерпал себя. Вслед за российскими авторами В.Г. Барановским и А.Д. Богатуровым, он считает, что этот подход должен быть дополнен учетом элементов иррационального «природно- стихийного начала», которое воздействует на мир, используя элемент случайности. Суть такого подхода должна, по мнению автора, заключаться: 1) в признании нами недостаточности попыток сугубо рационального осмысления природы человека и его поведения в социальных средах; 2) в переносе центра тяжести в изучении наук о человеке с экономических на национально-этнические, культурологические и цивилизационные аспекты; 3) в более широком применении метода исторических аналогий для изучения всего комплекса проблем международных отношений. Линейный характер нашего прогнозирования в таком случае, скорее всего, пострадает. Однако это пойдет на пользу выработке стереоскопичного и комплексного представления о современном мире, которое столь необходимо в условиях роста общей непредсказуемости мировой политики и «неожиданного» для всех обострения таких глобальных проблем, как терроризм, незаконная миграция, сепаратизм и пр. Автор соглашается с мыслями некоторых западных ученых (Б. Як), которые одновременно призывают к необходимости научиться «правильно жить» с отдельными иррациональными проявлениями политической жизни (например, национализмом), путем поиска и акцентирования их «светлых» сторон и нивелирования «темных». Главным же резервом борьбы с проявлениями «темной» стороны иррационального начала в политике он считает более активное подключение к ней образования и культуры. Культура, как иррациональное начало со знаком «плюс» (включая и политическую культуру) должна, по его мнению, лежать в основе более активной и наступательной информационной стратегии России на международной арене. Переход к такой политике, по его мнению, сейчас является необходимым, поскольку «оборончество» в информационной сфере далее недопустимо.