Foreign policy is an essential component of Egypt's general state policy. Together with its traditional diplomatic and political functions, and given that development policy is considered a key objective, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry participates in the country's development effort by trying to attract foreign investment, obtain economic assistance and facilitate technology transfers. Egyptian diplomacy also seeks to maintain strong bilateral and multilateral relationships, which is another essential goal of Egypt's general policy. Strengthening traditional friendly relations as well as building new relationships enables Egypt to exercise influence and pursue its national interest all over the globe.
Abstract: This article maps the participation of women in Brazilian scientific production in the areas of Political Science and International Relations, from 2006 to 2016. To do so, six indicators were created, to measure women's participation in the production of master's dissertations, doctoral theses and scientific papers, as well as their participation as faculty members of graduate programs and their presence on editorial boards of important Brazilian Journals in these fields. The results revealed that, despite an increasing participation of women in recent years, the space they occupy is still underrepresented, especially when considering strategic positions related to education and research.
This is a sample syllabus for Political Science 202, International Relations submitted as part of the Global Studies Initiatives in Social Sciences Grant at Parkland College for the 2018-2019 academic year. Already a course with a global focus, the highlights indicate changes made in instruction that encouraged students to discuss global issues with each other.
Combining the tools of political, social, cultural, and intellectual history, Consumption and Violence: Radical Protest in Cold-War West Germany explores strategies of legitimization developed by advocates of militant resistance to certain manifestations of consumer capitalism. The book contributes to a more sober evaluation of West German protest movements, not just terrorism, as it refrains from emotional and moral judgments, but takes the protesters' approaches seriously, which, regarding consumer society, had a rational core. Political violence is not presented as the result of individual shortcomings, but emerges in relation to major societal changes, i.e., the unprecedented growth of consumption. This new perspective sheds important light on violence and radical protest in post-war Germany, as previous books have failed to examine to what extent these forms of resistance should be regarded as reactions to changing regimes of provision. Continuing the recently growing interest in the interdependence of countercultures and consumer society, the focus on violence gives the argument a unique twist, making the book thought-provoking and engaging.
Rozman shows how East Asia's international relations over three decades can be best understood through the lens of triangles, analyzing relations between the key nations through a series of trilateral relationships.He argues that triangles present a convincing answer to the question of whether we had entered a new era of bipolarity like the Cold War or an age of multipolarity. Triangulation emerged as a dynamic in East Asia in the aftermath of the Cold War and was accelerated in the course of the Xi and Trump administrations. Even as Sino-US competition and confrontation deepened, triangles had a substantial presence. East Asian triangles share an unusual mixture of three distinct elements: deep-seated security distrust, extraordinary economic interdependence, and a combustible composition of historical resentments and civilizational confidence. The combination of the three makes the case for triangularity more compelling, Rozman argues. The legacy of communism, the pursuit of reunification on the Korean Peninsula, and moves to expand beyond the US-Japan alliance have all driven the way triangles have evolved. Only as bipolarity intensified in the 2020s was triangularity losing ground. The degree of turnabout is analyzed for all of the cases considered. Rozman evaluates each key triangle of states in turn and assesses how the relationship impacts the region more widely. This book provides an essential framework for understanding the current state and trajectory of East Asian international relations, for students and policymakers.
Article en collaboration avec Heloisa Maria Bertol Domingues, du MAST-MCT à Rio de Janeiro (Brésil), heloisa@mast.br ; International audience ; At the end of World War II, numerous initiatives for international scientific cooperation were undertaken by the UNO: the creation of a science division in Unesco, projects of international laboratories, support to the scientific unions, creation of scientific cooperation field offices in Southern countries. The development of international science and the contribution of scientific cooperation in maintaining peace were seen as one and only goal. Committed scientists, such as Henri Laugier in UNO and Joseph Needham in Unesco, tried to give life to ideas developed by the 'science and society' movements, in the 1930s and 40s, through a new form of scientific cooperation. The development of international science, before anything else, was to meet social needs: health, food, standards of living, education. In the beginning of the 1950s, the Cold War reduced the international support given to these projects considerably. The work here presented analyzes the global coherence of the goals pursued by these international bodies. It focuses on the specific perspectives defended by Paulo Carneiro, as a scientist and as the representative of the Brazilian Government in Unesco, mainly through his project of an International Institute of the Hylean Amazon ; Au sortir de la seconde guerre mondiale, de nombreuses initiatives pour la coopération scientifique internationale ont été prises à travers l'ONU : création d'une division des sciences à l'Unesco, projets de laboratoires internationaux, soutien aux unions scientifiques, créations d'offices régionaux pour la coopération scientifique dans des pays du Sud. Il s'agissait en même temps de développer la science internationale et de faire contribuer cette coopération au maintien de la paix internationale. Des scientifiques "engagés" comme Henri Laugier à l'ONU et Joseph Needham à l'Unesco ont tenté de faire vivre dans cette nouvelle ...
Article en collaboration avec Heloisa Maria Bertol Domingues, du MAST-MCT à Rio de Janeiro (Brésil), heloisa@mast.br ; International audience ; At the end of World War II, numerous initiatives for international scientific cooperation were undertaken by the UNO: the creation of a science division in Unesco, projects of international laboratories, support to the scientific unions, creation of scientific cooperation field offices in Southern countries. The development of international science and the contribution of scientific cooperation in maintaining peace were seen as one and only goal. Committed scientists, such as Henri Laugier in UNO and Joseph Needham in Unesco, tried to give life to ideas developed by the 'science and society' movements, in the 1930s and 40s, through a new form of scientific cooperation. The development of international science, before anything else, was to meet social needs: health, food, standards of living, education. In the beginning of the 1950s, the Cold War reduced the international support given to these projects considerably. The work here presented analyzes the global coherence of the goals pursued by these international bodies. It focuses on the specific perspectives defended by Paulo Carneiro, as a scientist and as the representative of the Brazilian Government in Unesco, mainly through his project of an International Institute of the Hylean Amazon ; Au sortir de la seconde guerre mondiale, de nombreuses initiatives pour la coopération scientifique internationale ont été prises à travers l'ONU : création d'une division des sciences à l'Unesco, projets de laboratoires internationaux, soutien aux unions scientifiques, créations d'offices régionaux pour la coopération scientifique dans des pays du Sud. Il s'agissait en même temps de développer la science internationale et de faire contribuer cette coopération au maintien de la paix internationale. Des scientifiques "engagés" comme Henri Laugier à l'ONU et Joseph Needham à l'Unesco ont tenté de faire vivre dans cette nouvelle ...
Following the call for 'open science, open innovation, and open to the world' by the EU Commissioner for Research, Science and Innovation Carlos Moedas in 2015, the S4D4C case study looks for applications and implications of open science in science diplomacy. Presentation at the S4D4C Webinar 17 Dec 2020
Zheng He is not only an important figure in China's trade route in Southeast Asia until Africa, but He marked how cultural diplomacy carried out with a peaceful approach. Zheng He journey from China to various countries demonstrated how cultural diplomacy successfully is done. Therefore, the questions are: how is Zheng He diplomacy viewed from diplomacy in international relations study? What are the values that support this succeed? Is it can be a cultural diplomacy model in international relations study, at least for Asian countries? Those questions become the discussion in this article. The argument of this article is Zheng He does not only contribute to bilateral relations between China and the country where he visited, but he contributes in diplomacy study in international relations. Zheng He diplomatic style may become one of Asian diplomacy model, at least it contributes to the history of world diplomacy.
Includes bibliographical references (275-298) and index. ; Forms of methodology in political psychology -- Theoretical concepts in political psychology -- Cognitions and attitudes : what we think we know and why -- Behavior : do actions speak louder than words? -- Emotion : why we love to hate -- Psychobiography -- Leadership -- Group processes. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Diplomatische Praktiken findet man sowohl in der modernen Weltgesellschaft als auch in Stammes- und Adelsgesellschaften. Dieses Buch untersucht und vergleicht sie erstmals systematisch aus soziologischer Perspektive. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die These, dass die Hauptbedingung jeder Diplomatie in der Anerkennung von Grenzen liegt. Darüber hinaus werden auch unkonventionelle Fragen beantwortet: Wie verhandelt man etwa mit rituellen Artefakten oder mit diplomatischen Hochstaplern? Kann Unhöflichkeit diplomatische Autonomie steigern? Und wie ermöglicht Spionage vertrauensvolle Diplomatie?
In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia.
The European Union is the world's most advanced international organization, presiding over a level of legal and economic integration unmatched in global politics. To explain this achievement, many observers point to its formal rules that entail strong obligations and delegate substantial power to supranational actors such as the European Commission. This legalistic view, Mareike Kleine contends, is misleading. More often than not, governments and bureaucrats informally depart from the formal rules and thereby contradict their very purpose. Behind the EU's front of formal rules lies a thick network of informal governance practices. If not the EU's rules, what accounts for the high level of economic integration among its members? How does the EU really work? In answering these questions, Kleine proposes a new way of thinking about international organizations.
International business has always been intimately linked to the politics of the global economy. Expansion and investment strategies of business play a key role in de?ning the architecture of the global economy. The shifting dynamic of the global economy such as the emergence of fast growing economies in, for example, India, China, South Africa and Brazil can be partly explained by the emergence of new market players such as the India transnational car manufacturer Tata, as well as the adaptation of established international businesses in the West to the new market opportunities in the South and the East. Equally, the recent (and in places ongoing) economic crises of the West owes as much to the failures of international business — notably the banking and investment industry — as it does to the failures of government policy. At the same time the international political dimension to the global economy explains the regulatory forces which also determine the architecture of the global economy. The far reaching policy liberalization of international trade through international (namely the World Trade Organisation) and regional treaties and rule- making, and the global deregulation of the investment and ?nancial services sector of the global economy driven by the neoliberal policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have created economic risks and opportunities for international business by opening up and creating new markets. The strategies of nation states and international business determine the architecture of the global economy and create both economic crises and dynamic growth at one and the same time in the contemporary global economy. So it is that for much of the ?rst decade or so of the new century the West has endured an age of austerity brought on by sustained economic decline and high indebtedness. The once market dominant economies of the United States and West European economies are now struggling to reverse negative economic growth. By contrast large previously peripheral under- developed economies in Africa and Asia are enjoying remarkable and sustained growth rates and their exports and investments now fuel an overall growth in the global economy.
