In this article I provide an appraisal of the neo-Gramscian approach to the study of international relations by focusing on three of its major exponents: Robert Cox, Stephen Gill and Adam Morton. I argue that neo-Gramscians have yet to adequately address some important challenges and criticisms of their method around its overly "top-down" mode of analysis, its neglect of forms of resistance and its excessively global and cosmopolitan account of neoliberal hegemony and especially resistance. I maintain that a return to the letter of Gramsci's writings on hegemony and its national-popular and democratic character would not only allow neo-Gramscians to address more effectively these weaknesses, but also strengthen their approach and align it more effectively with trends in contemporary politics.Keywords: Gramsci; International Relations; Hegemony; National-Popular.
'Conventional' models of how the field of international political economy should engage with ethics have proposed or assumed the normative primacy of ethical principles and often sought to add reliable empirical economic analysis so that political perspectives on economic systems, institutions and practices can result. James Brassett and Christopher Holmes (2010) have criticized such approaches for overlooking the potentially violent character of ethics as a constitu- tive discourse like any other. The present article defends the conventional method against Brassett and Holmes's critique. Focusing especially on Thomas Pogge's ethics of world poverty as Brassett and Holmes's main conventionalist target, the article argues that: (i) Brassett and Holme s's understanding of 'ethics' is seriously inadequate; (ii) Pogge's 'negative duty not to harm' principle should be maintained against Brassett and Holmes's troublingly 'political' account and facile relativist critique of Pogge's ethics; (iii) Brassett and Holmes, while conceivably critical of Pogge's global level reformist solution as superficially 'neo liberal', cannot see that their own arguably valuable proposal of radical local forms of 'resistance' can coherently complete Pogge's poverty ethics and thus confirms, rather than undermines, the conventional method. Ultimately, Brassett and Holmes's post structural attempt risks being 'violent' itself for implying a renewed international moral skepticism.
The Gramscian thinking has been increasingly used in the fields of Political Science and International Relations, however, prioritizing its concept of hegemony. In this article, it is proposed both, a more accurate elucidation and a possible transposition of the concept of the historical bloc to the international scenario, having as the main question the following study inquiry: can we transpose the concept of the historical bloc developed by Gramsci for International Relations of the 21st century, taking into account its transnational nature? Methodologically, a deductive, qualitative approach is used, with a literature review based on data collection from secondary sources. It is understood that the notion of the historical bloc coined by Gramsci, followed by the assumptions of critical theorists, helps us to understand the difficulties of the current international relations. The versatility of this concept allows us to endorse a macro view of the many facets of International Relations, whether they are linked to the political, economic, social, and even ideological spheres. Gramsci; Transnational Historical Bloc; International Relations; Hegemony; Critical Theory.
La tesi analizza le modalità di applicazione del diritto internazionale a livello interno, con particolare riguardo al ruolo svolto dalle autorità politiche nazionali.
Since the 1990s, Spain has had to face an immigration phenomenon until then unknown. This is the immigration of unaccompanied foreign minors. This newest category of immigrants has specific characteristics compared to displacement of adults. Mainly, they are children who arrive to Spain without the company of their parents or legal guardian. After recognizing this situation, it is interesting to verify the national and international legal treatment granted, considering also the medical tests performed to verify age, resulting in one of the main problems affectingall their legal treatment.
In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.
In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.
Dal XII al XIII secolo nel Sud della Francia le città si diedero un'organizzazione comunale quasi del tutto autonoma ed espressero magistrature urbane in buona misura comparabili con quelle che nate in Italia alla fine dell'XI secolo. Contemporaneamente gli elementi economicamente più attivi delle loro società cittadine (diverse ma al medesimo tempo simile a quelle dell'Italia centro settentrionale), allacciarono legami stretti e frequenti con i mercanti e gli uomini d'affari della penisola. Fu attraverso le relazioni commerciali che si determinò nel Midi lo sviluppo di determinati organismi istituzionali e si ebbe la diffusione di modelli culturali e giuridici di provenienza italiana? Si possono valutare i modi e i tempi di questa influenza? In quale misura il Sud sviluppò e cambiò le esperienze politiche mutuate dall'esterno? Questo testo, lungi dal rispondere a queste domande assai complesse, vorrebbe cercare di definire i limiti della nostra conoscenza attuale sul tema in questione e presentare le prospettive degli studi, seguendo la traccia di lavori antichi e recenti.
Gli obiettivi del saggio partono dal tratteggiamento del quadro territoriale ed economico della Norcia del secolo XV e dalla ricostruzione della sua vita civica: istituzioni, uffici e assemblee. Si passa poi all'analisi della società locale, con l'individuazione delle famiglie eminenti, delle caratteristiche degli altri gruppi sociali, dell'assetto e della composizione del ceto dirigente. Infine si giunge all'esame dei rapporti politici con il governo papale, soprattutto dei metodi di intervento attuati dalla S. Sede per controllare l'area in questione. Metodologicamente il saggio si fonda sulla connessione tra lo studio delle società locali, soprattutto dei gruppi dirigenti cittadini, e lo studio delle relazioni tra esse e il potere centrale. Tra i risultati principali, in questo caso, emergono alcune rilevanti specificità del contesto di Norcia, che evidenziano la diversità degli atteggiamenti con cui il governo papale si relazionava con i diversi soggetti politici del proprio Stato.The objectives of the essay start from the tracing of the territorial and economic framework of Norcia in the XVth century, and from the reconstruction of its civic life: institutions, offices and assemblies. Then the essay moves on to the analysis of the local society, to the identification of the eminent families, of the characteristics of the other social groups, of the structure and composition of the ruling class. Finally are examinated the political relations with the papal government, especially the methods of intervention used by the Holy See to control that area. Methodologically the essay is based on the connection between the study of local societies, especially about the cities' leading groups, and the study of the relations between them and the central power. Among the main results, in this case, emerge some significant specificities of the Norcia context, which highlight the diversity of methods used by the papal government to relate to the different political subjects of its State.
The growing importance of the external action of the European Union, also determined by the constant expansion of the Union's competences in this area, has led to a considerable downsizing of the international relations life of the Member States. In many areas of international law, the Union has gradually replaced its own states in managing relations with third countries. [.] The choice of the subject dealt with in this work arises therefore from two considerations, one of method, the other of merit. The first coincides with the warned need to attempt a reconstruction of the forms of interaction between Union law and international agreements of the member states according to a single scheme, which takes into due consideration the pertinent rules of international law. [.] As for the considerations of merit, it is now more evident than in the past that the increase in the competences attributed to the European Union, both internal and external, increasingly raises crucial profiles of coordination between Union activities and international obligations of Member States. The forms of interaction between the two sources are the most varied and pose application problems of significant complexity.
Also in the last year the signs of decomposition of the political, economic and institutional world conceived at the end of the Second World War and definitively freed from the end of the cold war have multiplied. Meanwhile, the advent of Donald Trump as president of the United States has introduced an unprecedented tension between the US and the international order they themselves produced. More generally, the growth of China and the renewed assertiveness of Russia seem to herald a new phase of the reflux of Western impact on the rest of the world. Above all, a variegated dispute over legitimacy has affected the liberal orientation of the post-bipolar order, with ever more profound consequences for the holding of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence, international organizations and even the institutional set-up of individual states. The ISPI 2019 Report questions this upheaval, both in the political and economic dimensions. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context and its repercussions on Europe, while the second is addressed as usual to Italian foreign policy.
Under the pressure of the more aggressive rhetoric of the new US administration, 2017 has uncovered the ever-increasing weight that the traditional dynamics between the great powers is regaining even in the international context of the 21st century. Contrary to the most optimistic forecasts and rhetoric of the first cold post-war period, the "big game" has regained the center of the stage, driven in part by the growth and renewed assertiveness of potential global competitors of the United States such as Russia and China, in it starts from the continuing crisis of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence and, in part even greater, from the decomposition of the regional system into increasingly autonomous arenas, within which the weight of the respective great local powers also grows. The ISPI 2018 Report questions this change, only partly offset by the good news that, over the last year, came from the international economy. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context, the second asks what place Europe can occupy in a "world of adults", while the third addresses as usual to Italian foreign policy.
Questa tesi punta a ricostruire il pensiero politico di Bell tra il secondo dopoguerra e la metà degli anni Settanta. In tale arco cronologico, la riflessione politica di Bell si profila, per usare una formula di Jean-François Lyotard, come una «grande narrazione» del capitalismo. Nel complesso, cioè, l'opera di Bell appare come una storia sociologica del capitalismo, che nella fine delle ideologie registra l'apogeo del fordismo e, in seguito, ne mette in luce le trasformazioni in senso post-industriale, indagando le ricadute che tali mutamenti implicano sul piano dei rapporti di potere e della legittimazione del sistema. Nell'ottica di Bell, pertanto, il capitalismo non costituisce soltanto un sistema economico, ma la forma specifica attraverso cui si dispiega la società nel suo complesso, attivando una serie di rapporti di potere mediante i quali gli individui vengono coordinati e subordinati. Una siffatta concezione del capitalismo agisce immediatamente la questione del potere e solleva un interrogativo a esso connesso: «che cosa tiene insieme una società?». Una domanda che attraversa la traiettoria intellettuale di Bell e, sia pure declinata mediante una terminologia sociologica, riflette in realtà l'ambizione delle scienze sociali di farsi teoria politica. Esse si presentano quindi come teoria politica della modernità, nella misura in cui distinguono il potere sociale dal potere politico e, al tempo stesso, instaurano tra i due poli una tensione dialettica produttiva. Mettendo a fuoco la concettualizzazione del potere nell'opera di Bell si analizzeranno le mutazioni nel rapporto tra Stato e società negli Stati Uniti durante la Golden Age del capitalismo. In particolare, si metterà in luce nella grande narrazione di Bell l'ascesa e il declino di un ordine istituzionale che, alla metà degli anni Settanta, appare percorso da molteplici tensioni politiche e sociali che preannunciano l'avvento dell'età globale e il bisogno di una nuova "scala" di governo. ; This dissertations deals with Daniel Bell's political thought between the post-war era and the Seventies. During these years, Bell's political reflection appears to be, to say it in the words of Jean-François Lyotard, a «grand narrative» of capitalism. Overall, Bell's work is a sociological history of capitalism. It points out the height of fordism by assuming the end of ideology, and then sheds light on the post-industrial transformations, looking at the effects produced on power relations and the legitimacy of the socio-political system. In Bell's view, capitalism is not only an economic system, but a complex social system which places individuals in the power structure by means of subordination and coordination. «What holds a society together?» is the question that go trough the whole trajectory of his reflection. It looks a sociological question, but actually it is a political question, because the order of society depends on the legitimacy of obligation relationships. The link between politics and sociology marks Bell's thought and shows how social sciences are assumed to be the political theory of modernity: they analyze the political side of social relations as well as the social element inherent to the workings of political institutions. In other words, I look at the way in which Bell, «the sociologist of capitalism» as «The Economist» put it, distinguishes between social power and political power and then makes them interact. Focusing on Bell's view of power I analyze the transformations occurred in the relationship between State and society in the US during the so-called Golden Age of Capitalism. Particularly, drawing the trajectory of this «grand narrative» of capitalism up to mid-seventies, I highlight that Bell recognizes the coming of a global age, full of political and social strains, and the need of a new institutional scale to cope with them.
The Department of Political and Social Sciences (DiSPeS) is honored to have proposed the conferment of degrees in Diplomacy and International Cooperation to Andra and Tatiana Bucci. Memory and history intertwine in the infancy of Tatiana Bucci and Andra, two little Italian girls who were deported to Auschwitz in 1944. Andra and Tatiana have been sharing for many years their memories as witnesses of the tragedy of the holocaust. The conferment of the degrees is an opportunity to celebrate the Memorial Day and the 30th Anniversary of the inauguration of the curriculum in Diplomacy and International Sciences at the DiSPeS. ; Il Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche e Sociali (DiSPeS) è onorato di aver proposto il conferimento di diplomi in Diplomazia e Cooperazione Internazionale ad Andra e Tatiana Bucci. Memoria e storia si intrecciano nell'infanzia di Tatiana Bucci e Andra, due bambine italiane che furono deportate ad Auschwitz nel 1944. Andra e Tatiana condividono da molti anni i loro ricordi come testimoni della tragedia dell'olocausto. Il conferimento dei diplomi è un'occasione per celebrare il Giorno della Memoria e il 30° anniversario dell'inaugurazione del corso in Diplomazia e Scienze internazionali presso il DiSPeS.
open ; . ; Storia delle Relazioni Internazionali ; International and diplomatic relations, political sciences, immigration, archives ; open ; Idini, Fabiana ; Idini, Fabiana
