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This article assesses the impact of sovereign countries in global financial governance. It uses the methodology of international political economy that studies the interaction between political and economic processes in the international arena. It shows the dualistic nature of international financial institutions, which, on the one hand, represent intergovernmental organizations and, on the other hand, are financial institutions with financial goals. The author investigates the principles of sovereign equality, equitable geographical representation and equal (parity) representation of groups of countries with distinct interests in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Group of 20 (G20) and Financial Stability Board (FSB). The IMF's decision-making mechanism is shown in detail, including its executive board and the recent redistribution of quotas among member states, with special attention on the formula for calculating quotas, its criticism and possible reform. The article shows the major causes of reducing the impact of the IMF and the formation of a new, globally distributed system of financial governance. The article shows the hierarchy (by function as well as by country representativeness) of the system of global financial governance, established by 2010. It discusses the leadership of countries according to quantity and to key indicators (revenues, assets and market capitalization) of global systemically important financial institutions (banks and insurance company). Based on countries' membership in the G7 and the G20, the FSB, IMF, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and Bank for International Settlements countries are designated as at the core, semi-periphery or periphery of the international financial system in the context of the world systems theory. The influence of the technical elite, prevailing in the international financial sector, as well as the qualitative composition (education) of its members are revealed. The article concludes that there is significant polarization in the international financial system (core and the socalled marginal majority). Unlike the IMF, the newly created global financial institutions of the G20 and FSB fully comply with the principles of equitable geographical representation and parity representation of states with distinct interests.

This article is devoted to the history of the Department of Political Science and Sociology of Political Processes of the Faculty of Sociology at Lomonosov Moscow State University. The stages of the organization and formation of the Department, the processes of teaching formation and methodological activities, which have occurred over the thirty-year history of the Faculty of Sociology, are considered, and the priority areas of the professors research works are outlined. ; Представленная статья посвящена историческому аспекту развития кафедры политологии и социологии политических процессов социологического факультета Московского государственного университета имени М.В. Ломоносова. Рассмотрены произошедшие за тридцатилетнюю историю социологического факультета этапы организации и формирования кафедры, процессы становления учебно-методической деятельности, а также изложены приоритетные направления научно-исследовательской работы профессорскопреподавательского состава.

The article deals with the complex and controversial problems of the new regional communities' formation and the impact of the interethnic relations sphere on them. The author notes that the processes of interaction between representatives of different cultures and civilizations, ethnic groups and religions have become increasingly controversial and tense in the context of continuous social dynamics. Similarly to the Russian society as a whole, regional communities are in a state of transitivity. They get transformed, they acquire new qualities such as multicasting and heterogeneity, multi-ethnicity and multi-confessionalism, fragmentarity and multiculturality.

This fact increases the risks and uncertainties, problematizes future prospects. National non-governmental organizations are increasingly positioning themselves as civil society institutions at the present stage of social development at the regional level. They perform a difficult dual task: on the one hand, they ensure the preservation and development of history, native language, culture, ethnic traditions, and on the other hand, they work on the integration, on the common identity and the Russian nation formation.

On the territory of the Volgograd region, largely due to the active cooperation of regional authorities and local authorities with national public associations, international and inter-confessional relations are stable. The basis of such activity is respect for history, native language, culture, tradition, religion, national dignity of all people in the region, regardless of their belonging to a certain ethnic group or religion. Over two decades of accumulated considerable experience of joint inter-ethnic dialogue and cooperation, provided tolerance and peace, harmony and mutual understanding between people of different ethnicities and religions in the country.

The author, parting from the premise that the world political analysts failed to foresee some prominent political changes of the recent times, comes to the conclusion about the inadequacy of the existing methods of political analysis and forecasting. Some recent scientifi c works by Russian and foreign specialists made him think that a purely rationalist approach to the world studies, that has been used since the times of the Renascence, partly exhausted itself. Along with the Russian authors Baranovski and Bogaturov, the Author thinks, that from now on our political analysis should be enriched by the introduction of some elements of a so called "natural – chaotic essence", which infl uences the world events through the element of "happening". The core of such an approach could include: 1) the recognition of a partial inadequacy of purely rationalist methods in our assessment of human nature and social phenomena; 2) the transference of the center of gravity in our social studies from economic to national-ethnic, culturological and civilizational aspects; 3) a wider use of historic analogies in the studies of all the problems of modern international relations. A linear character of our political forecasting will most evidently suffer because of that. Nevertheless, it would contribute to the elaboration of a more stereoscopic, complex view on the international relations as a whole and, particularly, on such problems as terrorism, illegal migration, separatism, and so on. The Author agrees with the thesis of some Occidental analysts (Bernard Yak, e.g.) that we should learn to "dutifully live" with certain irrational phenomena of political life (e.g. – nationalism), by purposely searching for and the accentuation of their "brighter" sides in the detriment of "dark" ones. The main prerequisite of such an accentuation, according to the Author, should be a wider use of education and culture. Culture, as a "positive" irrational actor (in all its demonstrations, including the political culture) should be seen as a promoter of a more active information strategy of Russia in the world arena. A shift for such a strategy is utterly necessary because a continuation of a "defensive" policy in this sphere can lead to signifi cant losses. ; В статье на основе анализа попыток предвидения глобальных политических сдвигов последних лет, делается вывод о несоответствии существующих методов политического анализа и прогнозирования складывающимся в мире реальностям. Изучение последних работ некоторых российских и зарубежных аналитиков утвердило автора в мысли о том, что сугубо рационалистический подход к постижению политической реальности, господствовавший со времен эпохи Возрождения, в значительной степени исчерпал себя. Вслед за российскими авторами В.Г. Барановским и А.Д. Богатуровым, он считает, что этот подход должен быть дополнен учетом элементов иррационального «природно- стихийного начала», которое воздействует на мир, используя элемент случайности. Суть такого подхода должна, по мнению автора, заключаться: 1) в признании нами недостаточности попыток сугубо рационального осмысления природы человека и его поведения в социальных средах; 2) в переносе центра тяжести в изучении наук о человеке с экономических на национально-этнические, культурологические и цивилизационные аспекты; 3) в более широком применении метода исторических аналогий для изучения всего комплекса проблем международных отношений. Линейный характер нашего прогнозирования в таком случае, скорее всего, пострадает. Однако это пойдет на пользу выработке стереоскопичного и комплексного представления о современном мире, которое столь необходимо в условиях роста общей непредсказуемости мировой политики и «неожиданного» для всех обострения таких глобальных проблем, как терроризм, незаконная миграция, сепаратизм и пр. Автор соглашается с мыслями некоторых западных ученых (Б. Як), которые одновременно призывают к необходимости научиться «правильно жить» с отдельными иррациональными проявлениями политической жизни (например, национализмом), путем поиска и акцентирования их «светлых» сторон и нивелирования «темных». Главным же резервом борьбы с проявлениями «темной» стороны иррационального начала в политике он считает более активное подключение к ней образования и культуры. Культура, как иррациональное начало со знаком «плюс» (включая и политическую культуру) должна, по его мнению, лежать в основе более активной и наступательной информационной стратегии России на международной арене. Переход к такой политике, по его мнению, сейчас является необходимым, поскольку «оборончество» в информационной сфере далее недопустимо.

The article presents a review of the monograph of Sun Ji-sheng et al. "Linguistics of International Political Relations: Theory and Practice" (Beijing, World Affairs Press Publishers, 2017. 584 pp.). The author of the monograph presents the description of linguistics of international relations as a new interdisciplinary field of scientific knowledge. The book under review is an academic study focusing on such aspects of the international political discourse as speech habits, narrative, intertextuality, interlingual equivalents, discursive strategies, conflict discourse, and strategies of teaching a foreign language. The monograph consists of introduction and twelve chapters. They deal with such urgent issues as manipulative discourse, securing of and support for hegemony via discursive means, creating identity on the international arena by discursive practices, hermeneutic aspects of interpretation of political speeches, influence of the language upon dissemination of international political norms, questions of political translation, management of the Internet sphere, and security hazards related to social opinion manipulation via spreading information across the Internet. Political linguistics generally treats language as a means of getting social dominance by some person or persons. ; В статье представлена рецензия на монографию, в которой автор предлагает описание лингвистики международных политических отношений как новой междисциплинарной области научного знания.

The problem of trust in political institutions is currently relevant and is becoming the object of research in many scientific fields, including political science. The interest of foreign and Russian researchers is not only the understanding of this phenomenon at the theoretical level, but also its empirical analysis for solving practical problems. In addition to the problem of a conceptual explanation of the concept of "institutional trust", which has developed due to the theoretical diversity of interpretations of this phenomenon, scientists are faced with the need to choose the best way to collect and measure data (depending on the purpose of a particular study). In this paper, the author focuses on the problem of measuring institutional trust, highlights the key areas of institutional trust analysis, considers their advantages and disadvantages.

The article deals with the methodological problems of transformation processes in political science in the late XIX-th-early XX centuries and in the period between the two world wars. The author reveals the causes and origins of the crisis phenomena in political science due to the new political realities in the world and new trends in the political science development. The process of modern political science formation is analyzed in its gradual development (formal-legal, traditional, behavioral and post-behavioral). The special role of the Chicago revolution in political science, which created the environment and the ground for the emergence of the "behavioral" revolution, is revealed. The main program provisions of the "behavioral" revolution are indicated, its results, the main vectors of political science development in the post-behavioral era are revealed.The role of structural functionalism (G. Almond and his school) in the formation of modern political science is revealed. The article deals with the interaction of political science with related social disciplines, which led to the emergence of some hybrid disciplines of political knowledge, including political sociology and political management. The content of the hybridization concept is revealed. The role of sociology in this process as the "main donor" of political science in the considered era is revealed. Object-subject areas of political sociology and political management, their place and role in the mechanism of socio-political systems functioning in the subject field of political science are defined. Generalizing conclusions are made. ; В статье рассматриваются методологические проблемы трансформационных процессов в политической науке в конце XIX — начале ХХ столетий и в период между двумя мировыми войнами. Раскрываются причины и истоки зарождения кризисных явлений в политической науке, обусловленные новыми политическими реалиями, сложившимися в мире, и новыми тенденциями в развитии самой политической науки. Процесс становления современной политической науки анализируется в ее поэтапном развитии (формально-правовом, традиционном, поведенческом и пост-поведенческом). Раскрыта особая роль "чикагской революции" в политологии, создавшей среду и почву для возникновения "поведенческой" революции. Обозначены основные программные положения "поведенческой" революции, выявлены ее результаты, основные векторы развития политической науки в пост-поведенческую эпоху.Раскрыта роль структурного функционализма (Г. Алмонд и его школа) в формировании современной политической науки. Рассматривается взаимодействие политической науки со смежными социальными дисциплинами, приведшее к появлению целого ряда гибридных дисциплин политического знания, в том числе политической социологии и политического менеджмента. Раскрыто содержание понятия "гибридизация". Выявлена роль социологии в этом процессе как "главного донора" политической науки в рассматриваемую эпоху. Определены объектно-предметные области политической социологии и политического менеджмента, их место и роль в механизме функционирования социально-политических систем, в предметном поле политической науки. Сделаны обобщающие выводы.

В сентябре РИА Новости и НИУ ВШЭ опубликовали очередной мониторинг качества бюджетного приема в вузы России. В этом году Факультет политологии МГИМО МИД России согласно этому мониторингу вновь стал лидером политологического образования в стране.