This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) is a state institution that conducts general elections in Indonesia, which includes general election of members of DPR / DPD / DPRD, presidential election of vice president, and general election of Regional Head and Deputy Regional Head. In increasing this participation, it is necessary to encourage the various parties to increase the political participation of the community in the implementation of the General Elections either from the Regional Government, Self or KPU as the Institution that performs the task of conducting the General Elections. This type of research is qualitative with descriptive approach. The sample in this research is the Chairman of KPU and KPU members 1 person, 2 persons pawaslu 2, village apparatus, people and society who have been included in the permanent voter list (DPT) 40 people. In this research, the researcher uses data collecting technique such as: Questionnaire, Interview, and Documentation. The results of this research, According to data sources from the Election Commission of Agam Regency, the number of permanent voters in Agam 2015 Election is 48,325 people. That the number of legislative elections the participation rate of the public as much as 67.24%. Furthermore, the role of the General Elections Commission in increasing the political participation of the people in Agam Regency only put banners on the highway, the results of which found that the implementation of the election must be far from Money politics. In line with the findings discussed above, The Election Commission in Agam Regency has performed its duty as the organizer of the General Election, especially in the Regional Head Election of 2015. This can be seen from the Regional Head Election of 2015 has resulted in one pair of Regional Head and Deputy Head of Region. Problems or obstacles encountered in the implementation of the implementation of elections is a matter of insufficient resources apparatus and budget so that in the implementation of the implementation of elections itself can not be implemented optimally. In the election commission which must be done to overcome the problem of the general election to be completed as soon as possible in a policy to optimize all problems that arise in the field of elections to the electoral commission. The problem of the campaign does not stop at that point alone, the candidates who have spent a lot of money in meeting the needs of their campaigns sociologically assume it is their capital occupied the seat of office which is analogous to the venture capital. As a milestone for the party of democracy party, KPU can use its authority to make regulation (KPU regulation) about the limit of number of candidate's fund to conduct campaign. In the law it is regulated that the financial aspect of the candidate is audited by a public accountant but the way tends to be easily by using funding out of the candidate's fund. This can be seen in ICW's research on the time-making of technical rules related to campaign funds that are very late, In addition to experiencing delays in terms of preparation time, the substance of the arrangements also seem normative. Some of the additions included in this support rule even seem to be absurd and unworkable. Existing rules are deemed not to support the achievement of transparency and accountability of campaign fund.Keywords: Election, Money Politics, KPU
The development of new media provides convenience in communicating and conveying the message, thus leading directly into a meeting without limited space, time and distance, users can easily participate in social interaction. Political parties take advantage of the development of new media in order to disseminate and political information to the public in order to obtain a good image. The Justice and Prosperous Party or sometime called PKS utilizing twitter as a social media in order to convey the message of political socialization through the official account DPP @PKSejahtera to 159.500 followers. This research is about the relationship of political socialization messages relations in social media twitter with the image of PKS. (Study: Political Socialization PKS through @PKSejahtera account). Purpose of this study is 1) how much the relationship of political socialization messages in social media Twitter with the image of PKS. This research method uses a quantitative approach. These results indicate that there is a relationship between socialization message via twitter to the image. The highest relationship found in the relationship of political socialization message with variable perception in the indicator 's political image.Keywords : Political Socialization Messages, Prosperous Justice Party, Twitter, Image.
This study aims to describe the level of political participation of female voters in the 2019 general election. This study descriptif the participation of female in general elections. Therefore, to find out the level of political participation of women voters the researchers distributed questionnaires 90 respondents. According to Malihah (2011) Women's Participation is the participation of women as part of the community to play a role in practical political activities as well as in development activities or political implementation in a broad sense.This type of research is descriptive with the location od the study in the Punggasan district of Linggo Sari Baganti. The population in this study amounted to 900 female voters and a sample of 90 respondents the sampling technique uses simple random sampling. Data were collected using a questionnaire instrument and documentatio, data were analyzed using triangulasi.The results of the study at total apathy level 1,1% , 56,76% participated in the voting, 51,65% participated in imformal political discussions of general interest in politics, 37,5% of female voters actively participated in public meetings and demonstrations, 15,56% actively participated in the passive membership of a plitical organization, 14% participated in the actuve membership of a quasi po;itical organization, and 1,1% of female voters become member passive membership of a political organization and there are no active female voters in active membership in apolitical organization, seeking politica; or administrative positions and accupy political or administrative. It can be concluded that the level of political participation of female voters in district Linggo Sari Baganti is 25,11% in the low category. And it is suggested to female voters to be more active in political organizations.Keywords: Level Of Participation, Female Voters, Governor Election
This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.
After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.
This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.
The objective of this study is to identify the dynamic aspect of relationships among the members of tarekat that accompany political development. This study is conducted in the region of Kudus, central Java, The respondencs are the leaders (guru), as well as followers (murid) of two groups of tarekat named Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah and Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah. The present study has interviewed 15 leaders and 50 followers.
This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.
The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.
United Nations as international organization issued an international convention to eliminate discrimination towards women, called CEDAW (Convention on Elimination of All Form of Discrimination Against Women). As the one of the nation that ratified the convention, Indonesia, adopted CEDAW articles that becomes UU RI No. 7 Tahun 1984. Indonesia agreed to prevent further discrimination towards women and implement all the policies written on those article. Unfortunately, the success and implementation of CEDAW is still doubtful, especially in political realm. The number of women political participation never reached 30% according to the affirmative action that is stated in Indonesian Constitution. The 2009 and 2014 general election showed that women's representation in parliament in still low and not having significant change. The success of CEDAW can be seen from women's political participation, measured by international indicator called GEM (Gender Empowerment Measure). GEM is used to measure shift and effectiveness of the implementation of CEDAW Convention in Indonesia, especially in political participation. This article concluded that CEDAW International Convention in political participation is not effective yet, considering the number of women in parliament not balanced with ratio of women citizen in Indonesia.
Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.
This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.
