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This article focuses on a comparative analysis of the organization of contemporary Czech parliamentary parties. It emphasizes the structural and functional differences between the new parties—ANO (meaning "yes" in Czech) and Dawn of Direct Democracy—and older parties. The theoretical section presents the basic organizational types – in particular, the concept of the business-firm party. The following organizational aspects of parties are then compared: membership, form of funding, the role played by ground organizations, the position and composition of top party bodies, the role played by the party leader, and media resources. This analysis reveals that ANO and Dawn have a more exclusive membership than older parties and have centralized more power into the hands of the party leader, who is supported both by formal statutes and by informal structures. In the case of ANO, the central leadership dominates over lower-level ground organizations; Dawn forgoes them altogether. Its missing institutional base accelerated Dawn's implosion in 2015. ANO is characterised by a high degree of professionalism and control over key media, both of which were missing in the case of Dawn. ; This article focuses on a comparative analysis of the organization of contemporary Czech parliamentary parties. It emphasizes the structural and functional differences between the new parties—ANO (meaning "yes" in Czech) and Dawn of Direct Democracy—and older parties. The theoretical section presents the basic organizational types – in particular, the concept of the business-firm party. The following organizational aspects of parties are then compared: membership, form of funding, the role played by ground organizations, the position and composition of top party bodies, the role played by the party leader, and media resources. This analysis reveals that ANO and Dawn have a more exclusive membership than older parties and have centralized more power into the hands of the party leader, who is supported both by formal statutes and by informal ...

The aim of the paper is to analyse the impact of political instability on inflow of foreign direct investments (FDI) in transition economies (CEE, Balkan and Post-Soviet countries). Regarding standard indexes of political instability, there is a shortage of data within the selected sample of countries. Therefore, we propose alternative proxies for political instability. Furthermore, we distinguish between two types of political instability being omitted in thematic literature: elite (minority or weak governments) and non-elite (violent protests, civil wars, coups). The paper provides two-step empirical analysis: correlation analysis and regression models using standard OLS. Both analyses compare the effect of selected proxies for political instability on inflow of FDI and FDI per capita. In summary, it is not possible to prove the effect of political instability on inflow of FDI in transition countries in unambiguous way. Despite it, a few statistically significant variables seem to be perspective for future research; subindex Political Stability within Governance Matters by the Word Bank and Group Grievance within Failed State Index by the Fund for Peace (non-elite); Herfindahl Index Government and a dummy for (non)presence of parliament election (elite).

Obsah -- Seznam zkratek -- Úvod -- 1. Teoretická východiska -- 1.1 Druhá polovina 20. století z pohledu teorie mezinárodních vztahů -- 1.1.1 Realismus jako skeptický náhled -- 1.1.2 Liberalismus a jeho optimistický přístup -- 1.1.3 Konstruktivismus a jeho důraz na bezpečnostní kulturu -- 1.1.4 Kritické teorie -- 1.2 Nejvýznamnější autoři a jejich teoretická inspirace pro hodnocení 20. století -- 1.2.1 Důvody volby jednotlivých autorů -- 1.2.2 Eric Hobsbawm a jeho "krátké 20. století" -- 1.2.3 Edward Carr a jeho pojetí dějin 20. století -- 1.2.4 Galtungovo pojetí negativního a pozitivního míru -- 1.2.5 Válka a mír podle Raymonda Arona -- 1.3 Metodologická východiska -- 1.3.1 Typ práce -- 1.3.2 Ontologické a gnozeologické pozice -- 1.3.3 Návaznost na Foreign Policy Analysis -- 1.3.4 Analytické vyprávění -- Závěr kapitoly -- 2. Studená válka jako kolísání mezi pozitivním a negativním mírem -- 2.1 Hlavní změny po skončení druhé světové války -- 2.1.1 Poválečná předsevzetí a odhodlání -- 2.1.2 Změny na mapě poválečné Evropy -- 2.1.3 Hlavní vítězové druhé světové války a zásadní rozdíly mezi nimi -- 2.1.4 Důsledky druhé světové války pro země střední a východní Evropy -- 2.1.5 Ekonomická převaha Západu a její význam ve vojenství -- 2.1.6 Nová situace ve vojenství -- 2.2 Začátek studené války -- 2.2.1 Nový mezinárodní antagonismus -- 2.2.2 Základní vymezení studené války -- 2.2.3 Poměr sil na počátku studené války -- 2.3 První zlomové události v dějinách studené války -- 2.3.1 Nátlakové jednání SSSR a jeho hodnocení v USA -- 2.3.2 USA ve znamení střetu dvou přístupů k SSSR -- 2.3.3 Budování amerických vojenských základen -- 2.3.4 Dva projevy světodějného významu -- 2.4 Kennanovo vymezení podstaty nastupující studené války a Churchillův výrok o železné oponě -- 2.4.1 Churchillův projev o železné oponě -- 2.5 Jaderná strategie USA a její hodnocení v SSSR.

This text is a short reflection on the possibility of studying historical events through a political science approach. The two analyzed publications exemplify the possibility and the failure of such an approach. While the first book presents a coherent political science analysis of the past, the second publication fails to do so. In my text, I argue that by using appropriate theoretical foundations and methodological approaches, politics in the past can not only be effectively examined but that relevant conclusions can be reached as well. Adapted from the source document.

This short study provides a comparative analysis of Anglo-Saxon scientific literature (in the form of monographs, articles from reviewed periodicals, Internet sources) in which the phenomenon of coup d'état is the primary subject of research interest. The main goals of this text are (1) to increase awareness of research into coup d'état as an essential phenomenon in the sphere of transitology among Czech political science students, and (2) to present solutions to the terminological problems relating to this political science discipline. To achieve these goals, the text presents a coherent terminological concept of coup d'état based on a semantic analysis of the disparate literature of Anglo-Saxon provenance, in which research into coup d'état has reached an advanced level of knowledge ; This short study provides a comparative analysis of Anglo-Saxon scientific literature (in the form of monographs, articles from reviewed periodicals, Internet sources) in which the phenomenon of coup d'état is the primary subject of research interest. The main goals of this text are (1) to increase awareness of research into coup d'état as an essential phenomenon in the sphere of transitology among Czech political science students, and (2) to present solutions to the terminological problems relating to this political science discipline. To achieve these goals, the text presents a coherent terminological concept of coup d'état based on a semantic analysis of the disparate literature of Anglo-Saxon provenance, in which research into coup d'état has reached an advanced level of knowledge

Teachings of economic policy were present at the VSE from its inception in 1953 needless to say that most activities were highly influenced by the ruling political climate. Despite all limitations there were some achievements of value, esp. works of prof. Olsovsky and his team in 50s and early 60s. Till the economic reform of Ota Sik was real engagement people from the VSE in economic policy limited (Kurt Rozsypal arrived to the VSE years after his reform was already enacted). 70s were again years of high political influence characterized by creation of Institute of Marxism-Leninism where consisting of all original social science departments 80s were characterized by the hidden duality of teaching when dominating teachings of political economy of socialism was supplemented by teachings of political economy of capitalism mostly in a guise of history of economic theories. In 90s a full renaissance of economic policy as a subject followed. Adapted from the source document.

Název článku věrně vystihuje jeho podstatu – jde o bilancování práve ukončené politické kariéry jeho autora, poslance slovenského parlamentu a dvojnásobného předsedy environmentálního výboru. Dozvíme se, jak proběhl loňský rok 2015, a především, co se v něm dělo za parlamentními zdmi. Text je tak vhledem do způsobu vládnutí (nejen) na Slovensku (a nejen) v uplynulém období – ukazuje, jak rozumné přístupy a řešení vždy podléhají politickému kalkulu. Nejpoctivěji vyznívá osobní krédo Mikuláše Huby, které by se dalo shrnout jako: Pracovat a nebát se, stát si za svým. ; The title of this article precisely captures its essence – it is a review of the political career of its author, member of the Slovak Parliament and twice-chairman of the environmental committee. We learn about last year's events, and especially what was happening inside the walls of the Parliament. The text is also an insight into governance (not exclusively) in the Slovak Republic (and not only) in the recent period – it shows how reasonable approaches and solutions are always subject to political calculus. The honest-sounding personal credo of Mikuláš Huba can be summarized as: To work and not be afraid, to stand up for yourself.

The article is an advancement of a preceding text which analyzed particular substantive theories of military coup in mainstream Anglo-Saxon political science literature. It provides a synthesis analysis of the previously analyzed literature specialized in military coup research, and because each substantive theory provides explanations of the occurrence of military coups through different independent variables, these factors are categorized for research purposes. Working with the definition of a military coup, the article's goal is to set ten separate theories together into a formal concept of the military coup and express it by means of a synthesized causal model. This model contains individual premises of existing research and constitutes a conceptual framework for the formulation of "the hammer and anvil theory" of military coup. The "hammer" signifies the capacity and commitment of the army to effect a change of government by the use of force or under the threat of it. The "anvil" represents factors which delegitimize a government and de facto hamper its ability to escape the "hammer" blow. ; The article is an advancement of a preceding text which analyzed particular substantive theories of military coup in mainstream Anglo-Saxon political science literature. It provides a synthesis analysis of the previously analyzed literature specialized in military coup research, and because each substantive theory provides explanations of the occurrence of military coups through different independent variables, these factors are categorized for research purposes. Working with the definition of a military coup, the article's goal is to set ten separate theories together into a formal concept of the military coup and express it by means of a synthesized causal model. This model contains individual premises of existing research and constitutes a conceptual framework for the formulation of "the hammer and anvil theory" of military coup. The "hammer" signifies the capacity and commitment of the army to effect a change of ...

This article deals with contemporary trends within research on extremism research in Germany. Institutionalization of this research in structures of political science is described, including the international impact of this research, with specific attention paid to the situation in East Central Europe. Next, the article analyzes development within the so-called 'theory of extremism,' including new concepts elaborated by scholars (soft and hard extremism, etc.) and developments dealing with the interconnection with terrorism research. Use of results of extremism research by governmental and international institutions is identified. Finally, criticism of the concept of extremism is presented, including criticism of the concept's politicization. Adapted from the source document.