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In quest'articolo affrontiamo le tematiche della dinamica e della diversità della corporate social responsibility in un'ottica istituzionalista. Di recente si è registrato un cambiamento di paradigma nella CSR. L'impresa ha assunto un ruolo politico nella società, simile a quello dello Stato, intervenendo in processi di public policy a fianco, ma anche 'al di là e al di sopra' delle istituzioni governative nazionali. Si tratta della politicizzazione della corporate social responsibility, che genera connessione sociale dell'impresa, ma, al contempo, implica una questione di accountabilty politica del fare organizzativo. L'impresa-attore politico deve dar conto alla collettività delle decisioni ed azioni intraprese con riferimento a questioni di pubblico interesse. Nell'articolo si discute anche di come il pluralismo degli attori politici nei processi di deliberazione pubblica e la political accountability delle imprese possano contribuire a far emergere forme di democrazia deliberativa.

The article analyses the fundamental traits of Italian liberalism in the second half of the 19th century. Based on the unique understanding and welding together of different theoretical models (English, French, German), Italian liberalism has been building a "politics of mediation", directly connected to the new parameters of the political-social sciences. The main goal is that of neutralising political conflict, in its more extreme manifestations, with respect to a liberal order that seeks to preserve and defend itself from any risk that might creep into the fabric of democracy.

Through the concepts of ἔργον and βίος, the article describes the two happiest forms of life, i.e., the theoretical and the political one, asking whether happiness is founded on the conjunction of the two. Focusing on the connection between philosophy, education and politics the paper emphasizes the role of contemplation as πράξις and the importance of philosopher for the city. ; Through the concepts of ἔργον and βίος, the article describes the twohappiest forms of life, i.e., the theoretical and the political one, askingwhether happiness is founded on the conjunction of the two. Focusingon the connection between philosophy, education and politics the paperemphasizes the role of contemplation as πράξις and the importance ofphilosopher for the city.

'Conventional' models of how the field of international political economy should engage with ethics have proposed or assumed the normative primacy of ethical principles and often sought to add reliable empirical economic analysis so that political perspectives on economic systems, institutions and practices can result. James Brassett and Christopher Holmes (2010) have criticized such approaches for overlooking the potentially violent character of ethics as a constitu- tive discourse like any other. The present article defends the conventional method against Brassett and Holmes's critique. Focusing especially on Thomas Pogge's ethics of world poverty as Brassett and Holmes's main conventionalist target, the article argues that: (i) Brassett and Holme s's understanding of 'ethics' is seriously inadequate; (ii) Pogge's 'negative duty not to harm' principle should be maintained against Brassett and Holmes's troublingly 'political' account and facile relativist critique of Pogge's ethics; (iii) Brassett and Holmes, while conceivably critical of Pogge's global level reformist solution as superficially 'neo liberal', cannot see that their own arguably valuable proposal of radical local forms of 'resistance' can coherently complete Pogge's poverty ethics and thus confirms, rather than undermines, the conventional method. Ultimately, Brassett and Holmes's post structural attempt risks being 'violent' itself for implying a renewed international moral skepticism.

If you type in the word 'revolution' in the Google search engine the top result that comes up is a chain of bars called Revolution. Other results on the first page of the search engine include a commercial radio station, clothing, a skate park and a software company. A Wikipedia page and the website of the Revolutionary Socialist Youth are the only non-commercial results Google provides us on its first page. This says as much about the business model of Google than it does about the changes at the level of meanings attributed to revolution. Revolution, it will be argued here, is a political signifier emptied of its radical connotations and currently used graciously as a brand or as a buzzword to mean change in whatever direction. As a result, revolution has been firmly incorporated into the neoliberal discourse and value system.