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In social sciences, a law can be defined as a finding of certain regularities in the interrelationships between social facts. These regularities observed, and then validated by the experiment cited, make it possible to propose laws, even if they are not necessarily universal and permanent in nature, as in some cases in physical science. In line with this approach and applying the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, we propose two of the demography laws of politics, the number law and the differential law. By means of the experiment referred to, their veracity can be established. The geography of the population can therefore provide useful lessons for political science. ; International audience In social sciences, laws result from interrelationships between social facts that can be frequently observed. These laws are not universal as they can be in physical sciences. However, once observed and experimented, regular events can lead to the recognition of laws. This is what we propose to do, following the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, in order to deal with two demogeographic laws of politics : the law of number and the law of differential. Hence we will see how useful for political science population geography can be. ; In social sciences, a law can be defined as a finding of certain regularities in the interrelationships between social facts. These regularities observed, and then validated by the experiment cited, make it possible to propose laws, even if they are not necessarily universal and permanent in nature, as in some cases in physical science. In line with this approach and applying the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, we propose two of the demography laws of politics, the number law and the differential law. By means of the experiment referred to, their veracity can be established. The geography of the population can therefore provide useful lessons for political science. ; Dans les sciences sociales, une loi peut se définir comme le constat de ...

Rezension von: Political science in history: research programs and political traditions. / James Farr ... (ed.). - Cambridge: Univ. Press, 1995

International audience ; In social sciences, laws result from interrelationships between social facts that can be frequently observed. These laws are not universal as they can be in physical sciences. However, once observed and experimented, regular events can lead to the recognition of laws. This is what we propose to do, following the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, in order to deal with two demogeographic laws of politics : the law of number and the law of differential. Hence we will see how useful for political science population geography can be. ; Dans les sciences sociales, une loi peut se définir comme le constat de certaines régularités dans les interrelations entre les faits sociaux. Ces régularités observées, puis validées par l'expérimentation invoquée, permettent de proposer des lois, même si ces dernières n'ont pas nécessairement un caractère universel et pérenne, comme parfois en science physique. Conformément à cette démarche et appliquant les principes de la méthode expérimentale de Claude Bernard, nous proposons deux des lois démogéographiques de la politique, la loi du nombre et la loi du différentiel. Par l'expérimentation invoquée, leur véracité peut être établie. La géographie de la population peut donc apporter des enseignements utiles à la science politique.

International audience ; In social sciences, laws result from interrelationships between social facts that can be frequently observed. These laws are not universal as they can be in physical sciences. However, once observed and experimented, regular events can lead to the recognition of laws. This is what we propose to do, following the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, in order to deal with two demogeographic laws of politics : the law of number and the law of differential. Hence we will see how useful for political science population geography can be. ; Dans les sciences sociales, une loi peut se définir comme le constat de certaines régularités dans les interrelations entre les faits sociaux. Ces régularités observées, puis validées par l'expérimentation invoquée, permettent de proposer des lois, même si ces dernières n'ont pas nécessairement un caractère universel et pérenne, comme parfois en science physique. Conformément à cette démarche et appliquant les principes de la méthode expérimentale de Claude Bernard, nous proposons deux des lois démogéographiques de la politique, la loi du nombre et la loi du différentiel. Par l'expérimentation invoquée, leur véracité peut être établie. La géographie de la population peut donc apporter des enseignements utiles à la science politique.

On the occasion of the publication of the book by Alain Degenne and Michel Forsé, the concept of a network is once again the subject of an investigation in social sciences. As is also shown by the recent numerous studies on this subject, this book is an indicator of the growing interest of sociology in this issue. In the light of the work that preceded it, we would like to address the issues raised by A. Degenne and Mr Forsé that could first and foremost raise the interest of politicians (.). ; À l'occasion de la parution de l'ouvrage d'Alain Degenne et de Michel Forsé, le concept de réseau fait, une nouvelle fois, l'objet d'une investigation en sciences sociales. Comme en témoignent également les nombreuses études consacrées à ce sujet publiées récemment, cet ouvrage est l'indicateur de l'intérêt croissant de la sociologie à l'égard de cette problématique. À la lumière des travaux qui l'ont précédé, on souhaite aborder les questions soulevées par A. Degenne et M. Forsé susceptibles d'éveiller en tout premier lieu l'intérêt des politistes (.).

Ting-Yat Chui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-95). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter (I) --- JOHN RAWLS´ة POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.4 ; Chapter 1. --- Why political liberalism? --- p.4 ; Chapter A. --- Reasonable Pluralism --- p.4 ; Chapter B. --- Stable for the Right Reasons --- p.7 ; Chapter 2. --- What is political liberalism? --- p.9 ; Chapter A. --- The aim of PL --- p.9 ; Chapter B. --- Two stages of the exposition --- p.11 ; Chapter a. --- The first stage of the exposition --- p.11 ; Chapter i. --- The political conception of justice --- p.11 ; Chapter ii. --- Political constructivism --- p.14 ; Chapter b. --- The second stage of the exposition --- p.15 ; Chapter i. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus --- p.15 ; Chapter ii. --- Public reason --- p.20 ; Chapter C. --- Liberal Principle of Legitimacy --- p.21 ; Chapter (II) --- WHY NOT POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.24 ; Chapter 1. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus? --- p.24 ; Chapter 2. --- Why should the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.28 ; Chapter A. --- Being reasonable? --- p.29 ; Chapter B. --- Prevailing ideas? --- p.34 ; Chapter 3. --- Why can the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.40 ; Chapter A. --- Why can't the burdens of judgment cause the disagreement on the political conception of justice? --- p.41 ; Chapter B. --- Is political conception of justice really political? --- p.47 ; Chapter a. --- The affirmation of the burdens of judgment --- p.47 ; Chapter b. --- The fundamental liberal idea of person --- p.49 ; Chapter C. --- Political virtue? --- p.59 ; Chapter a. --- The reasons for the stableness of a well-ordered society --- p.59 ; Chapter b. --- It is impossible for all reasonable citizens to respect political virtues in the political aspect --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- The aim of social cooperation --- p.61 ; Chapter ii. --- It is impossible to privatize the good --- p.65 ...

In the Maghreb, as in many southern countries, the relationship to science is built as soon as the independence acquired, even though scientists do not yet (or very little) exist in society. As a result, this report initially focuses exclusively on an imagination of science, specific to politics, which is clearly expressed in elites' discourse. Starting with the Tunisian case, this article proposes a genealogy of these political representations of science, which borrow from the 19th century reformist thinking, the legacy of 'useful' colonial science and the discourse deployed by international organisations on the theme of development through science. The text then looks at how the internal contradictions of this imaginary may have had an impact on the construction of scientific policies, and how paradoxically the scientific community became one of the main political suspicions of the authoritarian regime of Ben Ali in the 1 990s. ; International audience In North Africa, as in many countries of the South, the relationship with science is established as soon as political independences are acquired, even though scientists do not yet exist (or very little) in the societies. Accordingly, this relation is at first purely imaginary, specific to political elites who however express it clearly in their discourses. On the basis of the Tunisian case, this paper proposes a genealogy of the political representations of science that borrow from the reformist thinking of the nineteenth century, the legacy of a "useful" colonial science and the rethoric of the international organizations on the theme of development through science. The text then looks at how the internal contradictions of this imaginary relationship could have effects on the construction of science policy, and how, paradoxically, the scientific community became in the 1990s one of the main objects of political suspicion by the authoritarian regime of Ben Ali. ; In the Maghreb, as in many southern countries, the relationship to science is built as soon as the ...