Suchergebnisse

U radu se iznose rezultati provedene analize sadržaja izbornih programa političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj, uz kratko uvodno objašnjenje kako je došlo do slobodnih demokratskih izbora i tko je sve sudjelovao u njima. Provedena analiza ukazuje na sadržaj ponuđenih političkih ideja, te opis morfologije tržišta političkih ideja uspostavljenih kroz predizbornu kampanju. Analiza obuhvaća programe 34 stranke i u njima prali 17. tematskih cjelina. Analizom je utvrđeno da su sličnosti u programima stranaka daleko prisutnije od razlika. Međutim, bitne razlike se pojavljuju na ključnim temama. Tako se razlike mogu pratiti na temi federacija - konfederacija, Monocentrični - policentrični razvoj Hrvatske, Jačanje nacionalnog identiteta kulture - Pluralizam nacionalnih kultura i odnos prema materinstvu i abortusu. Analizom je, takođe, utvrđeno da su najčešće teme predizbornih programa bile: Pravna država (91,2 %) i poduzetništvo i privreda (70,6 %). Uzrok lome, po mišljenju autora, treba svakako tražiti u napuštanju jedno si ranačnih monopola, kao i posvemašnjoj ekonomskoj krizi privređivanja u Hrvatskoj. ; In this paper the results of a content analysis of political parties' election programmes in Croatia are presented, preceded by a short introduction referring to the occurrence of free democratic elections and all their participants. Outlined in the analysis is the substance of the political ideas offered and also the description of the morphology of the political ideas' market established in the election campaign. The analysis consists of 34 party programmes from which 17 topics have been selected for study. The results indicate many more similarities than differences among the party programmes. However, the major differences appear where the key topics are concerned, which enables their observation through the following oppositions: federation - confederation, monocentric - polycentric development of Croatia, promotion of national cultural identity - pluralism of national cultures and finally, differing attitudes towards motherhood and abortion. The most frequent topics appearing in election programmes, according to the results of the analysis are: the civil state (91,2%) and enterprising and economy (70,6%). It is the opinion of the authors that this arises from the abandonment of the one-party monopoly as well as from the overall economic crisis in Croatia.

The author analyzes the ambivalence of liberalism regarding political & economic freedoms. While classical liberals advocated individual freedom vs the aristocratic state, modern liberals advocate the controlled rule of the majority by means of the state & the law. Since their original idea of the freedom of private ownership led to the creation of boundless wealth, they have sought ways of limiting state ownership & establishing an intermediate category of ownership. However, the advocacy of intermediate ownership & intermediate state does not suffice for a success at the polls, so liberals have adopted the conservative concept of the protection of public good from the fury of private interests. Today's marginalization of liberal parties has not prevented liberal ideas to penetrate into the programs of all democratic parties. Hence, liberalism has become more of a cultural achievement & less of a viable political option. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the meaning of law in Kant's practical philosophy for the constitution of a political community. First, he defines the specific character of modern knowledge by referring to Heidegger & Fink & how this knowledge is reflected in Kant's philosophy of morality & law. Then he goes on to define the external legislation & list its applications. After the author has defined Kant's concept of law, he shows how freedom & its security -- not happiness, well-being, or interest -- are central to Kant's political philosophy. Freedom becomes the foundation of all activities & laws, & freedom can only be based on law & not morality. Thus, individual freedom is possible solely within a law-abiding community. Adapted from the source document.

In classical political & politicoeconomic theory, the opposition of the traditional & the modern is set in the very conception of political & social bodies in motion, & in their change power -- vs the antique & medieval conception. In contemporary science, as it is surveyed in this study, the political "duration" & "change" are the key mediation point of all development & change. They are often treated as a modernization rather than a transformation of a genuine polity. This is a significant difficulty in political action & its complex strategy. Strategy of change & development of a polity must include "choice" in evaluations of its proper state & the state of its referring environment, of their predictable internal & external changes, of various options, & of their alternative potential development scenarios in crossing. It is a combination of a prospective history of the complex societal change & development, & of an implementation of its own meaning of action. This combination must be founded in focused specialist analysis of comparative politicoeconomic processes whose foundation is in theories of national & world systems, & in general political & politicoeconomic theory. In a Schumpeterian equilibrium & disequilibrium relation of development of the politicoeconomic system, a permanent unexpected penetration of 'practical action' intensifies the 'Hume's fork' of analytical models without a general theory, especially the theory of the state. Almond & Pye's theory of political development dissociated itself from the development & analysis of an individual political system. Inside political system boundaries it isolated itself from major sources of real political change & development -- instead developing a politological approach to problems of the polity. Convergent general & special theories in social sciences, with a differentiation in disciplinary scientific approaches -- are the necessity of the new political economy as much as theory of complex development & change. Adapted from the source document.

This article attempts to show the beginnings of Croatian political science. The author considers the 16th-century practical philosophy & political work of Croatian political historians Ivan Polikarp Severitan, Franjo Petric, & Nikola Vitov Gucetic. In spite of the fact that Croatian political philosophy is considerably more diverse in this century, these authors were chosen because their work is representative of the whole, & is quite significant in the development of political science. All wrote about politics & discussed political themes -- especially the creation & function of the political community, government, & authority -- within the parameters long since established by Aristotle. Except for their nationality & ties to the region, the three authors were concerned with actual problems of their era, & were included in political discussions, ie, the identification of sovereignty & postulates upon which political communities are formed. They reaffirmed Greek principles of creation of the state on the basis of unity of ethics, policy, & other attributes. Through these authors, active in different times of the 16th century, we can see a progression in political philosophy -- from a close tie to scholastics to politics as a practical art that adapts to opportunities & conditions. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows that it is not possible to formulate a consistent theory of freedom, tying together the internal perspective of action & the external perspective of rational description & explanation of action. In the history of philosophical discussion about freedom as a fundamental concept of liberalism, Kant & Hegel represent two extremes. Each tried to formulate consistently a concept of freedom & its moral & political consequences, but both paid the price of one-sidedness. Kant postulates the primacy of the internal perspective of the moral subject, which is ideally expressed by his categorical imperative. However, the concept of freedom defined from the stance of autonomous morals loses contact with the historical world of traditional values, with the consequence of moralizing politics & unrealistically disregarding the nation as a characteristic framework of politics. Hegel points out the priority of the external perspective, which gives him an analytical advantage relative to liberal theories of natural law & Kant's moralist position. However, as warned by the German political theorist Hermann Heller, Hegel's position results in defining the sphere of collective morality as superior to individual action, disregarding the protection of individual liberties against the state & accepting national politics of power as the only criterion for international politics. The author concludes that liberal constitutions, unlike totalitarianism, must then be inconsistent. Adapted from the source document.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

Two stages in the conceptualization of & research on political tolerance are addressed: the studies of Stouffer (1955), Prothro & Grigg, & others; & the work of J. Sullivan (1979) & his collaborators. In relation to earlier research, Sullivan & his collaborators have established a "contentual control" of tolerance by precisely distinguishing political attitudes toward generally unpopular groups in society from tolerance itself or from the readiness to put up with those groups with which individuals otherwise do not agree. We believe, however, that this does not sufficiently define political tolerance. We therefore define tolerance as the readiness to put up with certain groups with which individuals do not otherwise agree -- in correspondence with the ensemble of universal political liberties (ie, the general norms of democracy) -- but only up to certain limits. Tolerance can reach certain limits because political liberties are not absolute values but are restricted by other relevant values of society. This complicates also the methodology of the study of this very complex phenomenon. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

In his analysis of the role of animals in political theory, ideology, & practice, the author claims that they are mostly used as metaphors, while in the world of real politics, people are not just considered & spoken of as animals, but are treated as such as well. The text includes several motifs from this substantial, historically well-documented, extensive topic. Political thinking in antiquity distinguishes a man from an animal, while the Renaissance & the modern political theory recognize the animality in politics. In contemporary theories & collective psychology, there are the motifs of rulers, shepherds & people, & erds. In fables as a literary genre, animals serve to teach the nature of politics as well as proper & improper political behavior. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the attitude of the lawyer Carl Schmitt toward the philosopher Hegel. He considers the way in which Schmitt relates to Hegel & believes his references to Hegel are not justified. Namely, Schmitt was not Hegelian. The author proves his theory with an analysis of the stance of each philosopher toward liberalism, political theology, the friend-enemy theory, & each one's style of reasoning. Adapted from the source document.

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought & action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy & sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy & politics can be fruitful both for philosophy & politics. Jaspers's political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists & functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato's thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant's demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy & politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers & politicians are faced with a different set of tasks. Adapted from the source document.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.