Suchergebnisse
Filter
325 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
SOCIAL-POLITICAL CONDITIONS AFTER THE BONGAYA TREATY OF 1667; ISLAMIC POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE
This article aimed to describe the socio-political conditions after the Bongaya Treaty of 1667. This study employed the historical research method (library research). The researcher applied several approaches, namely the historical approach, religious approach, anthropological approach, and sociological approach. The Makassar War is a momentum for change from all aspects, not only changes from the political aspect but also the social, cultural and economic aspects that greatly tormented the people of Gowa. As a King, Sultan Hasanudin was responsible for the fate of the royal people of Gowa, which was getting sad. Sultan Hasanudin had to consider this even though he wanted to continue to fight. Sultan Hasanudin really understood the suffering of the people of the Kingdom of Gowa. Due to these considerations, the war lasted approximately four years, starting from 1666-1669 and ending with the Bungaya Treaty, which consisted of 30 articles. The treaty affected all aspects of Gowa community life, not only in terms of political factors but also the existence of Muslims. Since then, the power and influence of the Netherlands in East Indonesia began to be embedded towards serious colonialism. Sultan Hasanuddin, who dashed to defend his country until the last second has controlled the Kingdom of Gowa for 16 years; namely 1653-1669 and died in Gowa on June 12, 1670.
BASE
Political Connections: A literature review Approach
The aim of this study was to highlight the key finding of corporate political connections research. This study used 61 previous studies related to corporate political connections to develop a structured literature review. It was found that most studies were conducted in developing countries as they provided a unique institutional setting for conduct political connections research. In addition, a political connection is used as independent variables and the previous studies focuses on three related topics, which are corporate performance, corporate action, and loan and special rights. Literature review study become more important nowadays, as the number of empirical quantitative research amount has been increased lately. This analysis also has research and practical implementation for researcher, practitioners, and regulators.
BASE
Banber Erevani Hamalsarani: Vestnik Erevanskogo Universiteta = Bulletin of Yerevan University. Hasarakakan gitowty̓ownner = Obščestvennye nauki = Social sciences. Miǰazgayin haraberowt̕yownner, K̕aġak̕gitowt̕yown = Meždunarodnye otnošenija, Politologija = International relations, Political science
ISSN: 1829-4529
Economic nationalism for political legitimacy in Indonesia
Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.
BASE
PHENOMENA AND HISTORY OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN INDONESIA
Politics, coming back to its original meaning which might be defined as influencing other people and which is involves the making of a common decision for people, then, life is never politics-free. When we are thinking, we are contributing in the political life, how to influence or how to be influenced, how to make a decision in life or how to follow a decision. Politics contain of many dimensions, one might think politics in a negative or positive way depending on which dimensions he stick the politics with. Political party is one of the main institutions in the political life which used in practicing the democracy as the representative system needed by the community. It used as a media to transfer the political messages from the community to the government, as peoples' media to send their aspiration to the people 'above', which existence is influencing the development of the policies of the country depending on its effectiveness. As a Muslim-Largest country, Islam has a very important role in Indonesia's political zone. Though, not everything that has an "Islam" name is able to completely represent Islamic values and so some "non-Islam" might also represent Islamic ethical values. The point of this article is to focus more on how is the relationship between politics and Islam in Indonesia by observing the development of Islamic Political Parties and its phenomena. It will be well observed by the historic-phenomenology approach, which is describing and observing the history of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia and the social facts that happened in the society
BASE
Political connections, overinvestment and governance mechanism in Indonesia
The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between political connections and overinvestment in Indonesia as a democratic, multi-party and developing country. This study uses sample of 1,044 and 543 firm-year observations from listed firms on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2012 to 2017. A two-stage model is used to address overinvestment, which used two different measurements, then continued by ordinary least square regression to establish the main analysis result. This study finds that political connection is negatively associated with overinvestment in Indonesia. We also find that this negative association is increasing due to the existence of governance mechanism from both external and internal parties of the firm. Our results indicate that the significant negative associations between political connections with overinvestment, which later is strengthen by governance mechanism might be caused by several differences in institutional setting and/or political connections benefits between the previous research in China and with the place where this research is taken. This paper could give insights in decision-making for stakeholders to anticipate certain harmful issues to the companies that might be occurred by their politically connected top management like directors and commissioners.
BASE
Director Networks, Political Connections, and Earnings Quality in Malaysia
This article investigates the relationship between director networks and earnings quality in Malaysia. Using data on 4,416 individual directors who served on the boards of 745 firms listed on Bursa, Malaysia during 2011, we map the entire network of directors and generate measures to reflect the size and quality of information within the network. We find a negative and significant relationship between the overall connectedness of a director's network and the firm's earnings quality. In addition, we find a negative and significant relationship between the political connectedness of the director's network and earnings quality. Our results are robust for different measures of earnings quality.
BASE
DEMOCRATIC CAPITALIZATION, LOCAL ACTORS, AND POLITICAL PATRONAGE NETWORKS
This paper explains the conspiracy and involvement boss mine (coal) in several provincial elections (regents and governors) in South Kalimantan. As is known, the political landscape of post Soeharto New Order government that gave birth to democracy and radical change in the institutions of power, namely from the centralized power-authoritarian system to a democratic system of government has spawned a democratic transition which was prolonged until today. In the midst of a prolonged transition to democracy at this time, the arena of democracy has been hijacked and the stage of political and economic power has been controlled by entrepreneurs or local and national capitalist power by doing pesekongkolan between candidates authorities or local authorities that one of them through the local election process. The businessmen are involved as a supplier of funds to the local authorities candidate to win as a form of money politics and transactional politics. In some cases the local elections in South Kalimantan, such as the election of the regent and the governor, political practice is utilized with clarity and has already become a political culture that is structured within massive post-New Order government. Therefore, democracy is being woken up in Indonesia after the New Order.
BASE
POLITICAL DOWRY: REASONS FOR RESTRICTION, LAW ENFORCEMENT, AND PREVENTIONS
Abstract: The issues related to political dowry are interminable. This interminability is the result of an indication of political dowry every time a general election or local election is held. Based on that background, this article describes the political dowry's detailed problems. In the beginning, the writer describes the definition of political dowry and its differences from political cost, the reasons for the restrictions, and the law enforcement on political dowry. It ended with some efforts to prevent political dowry.It is found that the definition of political dowry is different from political cost. The regulations restrict the practice of political dowry, but not for the political cost. The political dowry is restricted by law because it is against the national law's interest, which is the interest to have qualified and fair general elections and local elections. Heretofore, there is no legal punishment for the practice of political dowry due to the difficulty to prove the practice. There are some efforts to prevent the practice of political dowry: First, giving intensive supervision from The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and its subdivisions; Second, revising the regulations in the Law of the Local elections for nominating the candidates; Third, revising the regulations in the law of political parties for nominating the candidates of the president and local government; Fourth, assigning the time limitation for the political parties to accept the political cost; and Fifth, enhancing the legal awareness of all parties involving in the practice of general elections or local elections.
BASE
The Relationship Of Political Socialization Messages Relations In Social Media Twitter With The Image Of PKS. (Study: Political Socialization PKS Through @PKSejahtera Account)
The development of new media provides convenience in communicating and conveying the message, thus leading directly into a meeting without limited space, time and distance, users can easily participate in social interaction. Political parties take advantage of the development of new media in order to disseminate and political information to the public in order to obtain a good image. The Justice and Prosperous Party or sometime called PKS utilizing twitter as a social media in order to convey the message of political socialization through the official account DPP @PKSejahtera to 159.500 followers. This research is about the relationship of political socialization messages relations in social media twitter with the image of PKS. (Study: Political Socialization PKS through @PKSejahtera account). Purpose of this study is 1) how much the relationship of political socialization messages in social media Twitter with the image of PKS. This research method uses a quantitative approach. These results indicate that there is a relationship between socialization message via twitter to the image. The highest relationship found in the relationship of political socialization message with variable perception in the indicator 's political image.Keywords : Political Socialization Messages, Prosperous Justice Party, Twitter, Image.
BASE
The Formation of the Modern Concept of "Soft Power" in Political Science ; «Փափուկ ուժի» ժամանակակից հայեցակարգի ձևավորումը ; Формирование современной концепции «мягкой силы» в политической науке
Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye first revealed the concept of "soft power" which he describes as an ability of a state to form preferences of other actors of world policy using its attractiveness for them. This is connected with culture, political values, and the foreign policy of the USA. It is becoming obvious that the efficiency of using military forces is substantially limited, and the need for states to increase their influence cannot fully be realized. Ideas that in their essence are close to "soft power", appeared long before American political scientists started the discussion of the concept. It is necessary to pay attention to the works of G. Morgenthau, E. Carr, the Italian Marxist philosopher A.Gramsci, and others. Such concepts include the "concept of seduction" by J.Baudrillard, as well as the "concept of seduction" by Gilles Lipovetsky. Following John Hiring, researchers from different countries have made "soft power" the subject of their research. However, their positions concerning this concept are far from being unambiguous, and sometimes contradictory. An important rethinkingabout "soft power" is the Chinese school of research of this phenomenon. Chinese researchers point to the historical roots of the idea of "soft power", which can be found in the country's history, and that this concept is harmony and naturalness for Chinese society. ; Հարվարդի համալսարանի պրոֆեսոր Ջոզեֆ Նայը նախ բացահայտեց «փափուկ ուժ» հասկացությունը, որով նա հասկանում էր պետական ակտորի ունակությունը՝ ձևավորելու այլ ակտորների նախապատվություները՝ օգտագործելով իր գրավչությունը նրանց աչքերում: Սա վերաբերում էր ԱՄՆ մշակույթին, քաղաքական արժեքներին և արտաքին քաղաքականությանը: Ակնհայտ դարձավ, որ ռազմական ուժի կիրառումը սահմանափակ է, իսկ սեփական ազդեցությունը մեծացնելու անհրաժեշտությունը մնում է ոչ ամբողջովին իրականանալի: «Փափուկ ուժի» նման գաղափարներն ի հայտ եկան ամերիկյան քաղաքագիտության մեջ այդ հայեցակարգի քննարկումները սկսելուց շատ առաջ: Այս իմաստով պետք է նշել Հ. Մորգենթաուի, Է.Քարի, իտալացի մարքսիստ փիլիսոփա Ա. Գրամշիի և այլոց աշխատանքները: Նման հասկացությունները ներառում են Ժ.Բոդրիարի «գայթակղության հայեցակարգը», ինչպես նաև Ժ.Լիպովեցկիի «հրապուրման հայեցակարգը»: Հետևելով Ջ.Նային՝ տարբեր երկրների հետազոտողները «փափուկ ուժը» դարձրեցին իրենց հետազոտության առարկան: Նրանց դիրքորոշումները միանշանակ չեն: Այս երևույթի ուսումնասիրման չինական դպրոցը կարևոր է՝ մատնանշելով «փափուկ ուժի» գաղափարի պատմական արմատները: Այստեղից էլ թեզը չինական հասարակության համար՝ այս հայեցակարգի ներդաշնակության և բնականության մասին: ; Профессор Гарвардского университета Джозеф Най впервые раскрыл концепт «мягкой силы», под которой он понимал способность государства формировать предпочтения других акторов мировой политики, используя собственную привлекательность в их глазах. Это относилось к культуре, политическим ценностям и внешней политике США. Становилось очевидно, что применение военной силы ограничено, а потребность в увеличении своего влияния оказывается не вполне реализованной. Идеи, схожие по своему действию с «мягкой силой», появились задолго до того, как концепт начал обсуждаться в американской политологии. В этом смысле следует отметить работы Г. Моргентау, Э. Карра, итальянского философамарксиста А. Грамши и др. К подобным концепциям можно отнести «концепцию соблазна» Ж. Бодрийяра, а также «концепцию обольщения» Ж. Липовецки. Вслед за Дж. Наем исследователи разных стран сделали «мягкую силу» предметом своего исследования. Их позиции далеко не однозначны. Важной представляется китайская школа изучения данного феномена, указывающая на исторические корни идеи «мягкой силы». Отсюда - тезис о гармоничности, естественности данного концепта для китайского общества.
BASE