Suchergebnisse

Scholarship in international law aims at addressing global forest governance comprehensively. This article reviews the recent contribution Global Forest Governance - Legal Concepts and Policy Trends by Rowena Maguire and puts it into the perspective of recent political and policy science research on global forests. While finding Maguire's volume being a very timely and valuable contribution to the interdisciplinary discussions on international forest governance, we identify some weaknesses which are mostly rooted in methodological critique and a lack of a systematic framework for analysis.

Welfare, and the role of social democracy in defining its content and meaning, is often described as one of Sweden's distinguishing features. However, in the quest for liberalization and marketization, reforms in past decades have substantially changed the political landscape. These developments have led many to question the viability of describing the main political actors and their attitudes towards the welfare state in terms of left or right. This dissertation contributes to the understanding of ideological convergence and past and current political cleavages by analysing the welfare debate on freedom of choice between the two main political opponents in Swedish politics over three decades. Using a morphological approach, where ideologies are viewed as distinctive configurations of political concepts creating specific conceptual patterns depending on how they are combined, the analysis focuses on the content of the concept of choice by examining the conceptual relationships between political concepts such as choice, the public and the private, equality, equity and need. The analysis reveals a convergence suggesting that the parties have united around a narrower concept of freedom of choice that relates to how it is implemented in welfare services, that is, the choice between different providers of welfare services. However, important differences remain, which are expressed in the parties' differing conceptions of the power resources citizens need to become truly free individuals. These findings suggest that, while freedom of choice has become a central concept in the political debate, it is not central to the parties' ideologies. Instead, the core of the parties' ideologies appears to be articulated in e.g. the political cleavages that remain, which can be described as differing views on the role of politics and competing conceptions of need and equality. It is how these cleavages are translated into policies that will determine possible welfare choices in the future.

มรดกทางแนวคิดของนิเวศวิทยาการเมืองแนวสตรีนิยม -- นิเวศวิทยาการเมืองกับนิเวศวิทยาการเมืองแนวสตรีนิยม -- นิเวศวิทยาการเมืองแนวสตรีนิยมในเมืองไทย -- สารสำคัญของแนวคิดนิเวศวิทยาการเมืองแนวสตรีนิยม -- วิธีวิทยานิเวศวิทยาการเมืองแนวสตรีนิยมปัจจุบันและอนาคต -- กรณีศึกษาที่หนึ่ง ผู้หญิงและที่ดินในเขตเศรษฐกิจพิเศษอีสาน -- กรณีศึกษาที่สอง การกลายเป็นเมือง ผู้หญิง และที่ดินในภาคเกษตรกรรม

The deliverable D6.1 of the LIFT project explores what types of discourses are used in six European Union (EU) member states' Rural Development Programs (RDP) and other agricultural policy documents and how they incorporate ecological approaches acrossthree Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) periods. This multiple case study highlights similarities and differences in the dominant discourses as emerging from national policy documents in the following selected EU member states: France, Germany (Bavaria), Hungary, Poland, Romania and Sweden. It also demonstrates how discourse analysis can be used to gain understanding about the dominant discourses expressed in these documents in relation to how ecological approaches are defined, the policy rationale for encouraging ecological approaches and the expected consequences of doing so. Conceptually, we focused on two types of discourses identified from the literature: 1) the three CAP discourses: i) neomercantilism; ii) neoliberalism and iii) multifunctionality, and 2) the five socio-political discourses of Rural Development (RD): iv) agri-ruralist, v) hedonist, vi) utilitarian, vii) nature conservation and viii) community sustainability. These types of discourses were together integrated in a model, where each policy discourse depicts agriculture as accomplishing a specific function. The theoretical framework is grounded within a political economy perspective. This means that policy develops because of confrontation between different concerned agents with different interest, pushing for different objectives. The state acts as an intermediary between these agents and aims at ensuring consensus and maintenance of agreement. Policy documents are therefore often the result of competing discourses and contradicting policy objectives. Across EU member states, the results show that ecological approaches are mainly depicted with the multifunctionality discourse with two dominating sub-discourses of nature conservation and agri-ruralism. Nevertheless, we observe an increase in the use of the neomercantilist discourse in the last CAP period. This parallels what the previous literature finds in Commissioners' speeches: a reappearance of the traditional neomercantilist discourse in the CAP agenda 2014-2020. Farming systems (with farming practices) related to agroecology, biodiversity-based and organic farming are among the most commonly mentioned farming systems.

Political participation of people is a significant indicator of political specifying people's attention in politics effectively. This research study investigates political participation of people toward good governance principles implemented by local administrative organizations. Roi-Et municipality, Muang district, Roi-Et province was purposively selected as a target area for this research study since Roi-Et municipality received many awards such as Good Governance Awards, Prajadhipok Institute's awards and NACC Integrity Awards on transparency which imply that people residing in the area of Roi-Et municipality have knowledge concerning local administration. According to the field study, the researcher found that Roi-Et municipality people were interested in political matters; they usually talk about political issues, they always follow the political news broadcasted via various media channels such as radio and television including newspaper. However, they didn't have a chance to give complaints and participate in the development plan for the municipality. Consequently, the researcher became interested in studying political participation of people toward the principles of good government implemented by local administrative office. This research also investigated whether the interaction among the effective factors comprising gender, ages, education and occupations influences political participation of people or not. This research applied a documentary research methodology and exploratory research to collect the data from the sample group using a questionnaire as a research instrument. The samples were 300 eligible voters for municipal election residing in Roi-Et Municipality area. ; การมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของประชาชน เป็นตัวชี้วัดทางรัฐศาสตร์ที่สำคัญบ่งบอกให้ทราบถึงความใส่ใจความสนใจทางการเมืองของประชาชนได้อย่างดีเยี่ยม งานวิจัยนี้ได้ศึกษาการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของประชาชนตามหลักการธรรมาภิบาลกับการปกครองท้องถิ่น ผู้วิจัยได้เลือกเทศบาลเมืองร้อยเอ็ด อำเภอเมือง จังหวัดร้อยเอ็ด เป็นพื้นที่ศึกษา ด้วยเหตุผลจากการที่เทศบาลเมืองร้อยเอ็ดได้รับรางวัลระดับประเทศมากมาย อาทิ รางวัลบริหารจัดการบ้านเมืองที่ดี รางวัลพระปกเกล้าทองคำ รางวัลท้องถิ่นต้นแบบที่มีความโปร่งใสจากสำนักงานป้องกันและปราบปรามการทุจริตแห่งชาติ นั้นย่อมแสดงให้เห็นได้ว่าประชาชนในเขตเทศบาล ต้องมีความรู้ความเข้าในด้านการปกครองท้องถิ่นและที่สำคัญการความร่วมมือ จากการลงพื้นที่พบว่า ประชาชนให้ความสนใจด้านการเมือง มีการพูดคุยสนทนากัน รับฟังข่าวสารทางการเมืองตามสื่อวิทยุ โทรทัศน์และสื่อหนังสื่อพิมพ์อยู่เสมอ แต่การร้องทุกข์ร้องเรียน การร่วมวางแผนพัฒนาเทศบาลพบว่ามีส่วนน้อย ทำให้ผู้วิจัยสนใจที่จะศึกษาถึงการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของประชาชนตามหลักธรรมาภิบาลเป็นการวิจัยความสัมพันธ์ของประชาชนด้านเพศ อายุ การศึกษาและอาชีพ จะส่งผลต่อการมีร่วมร่วมทางการเมืองหรือไม่ การศึกษาครั้งนี้ใช้วิธีการศึกษาทางเอกสาร การวิจัยเชิงสำรวจด้วยการใช้แบบสอบถามเก็บข้อมูลจากกลุ่มตัวอย่างที่เป็นประชาชนผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้งในเขตเทศบาลเมืองร้อยเอ็ด จำนวน 300 คน

Key Points • Understanding the impacts of SDG 16 on forests and people requires attention to the power dynamics that shape how all 17 SDGs are interpreted and implemented across the Global North and South. • As SDGs were agreed upon by nation states, SDG 16 places a strong emphasis on state power and the rule of law. • Yet inclusive governance requires the involvement of diverse actors, and consideration for customary laws and other non-state forms of rulemaking at global to local scales. • Many national laws governing forests and land use favour political elite, large-scale industry actors and international trade. • The development and strengthening of legal frameworks that support all of the SDGs – including those relevant to human rights, income inequalities, land tenure, gender and environmental protection – requires equal or greater priority than law enforcement. Otherwise, law enforcement will reinforce inequities and unsustainable practices. • SDG 16 provides an opportunity to overcome the stereotypes of the Global North as the referential role model for peace and democracy, by highlighting the role of the North in fostering market inequalities and global conflicts, and drawing attention to barriers to democratic and inclusive participation within the Global North. • How transparency, accountability and justice are conceived and prioritised shapes their impact on forests, as well as the degree to which their achievement either empowers forest-dependent peoples or excludes them from meaningful and informed engagement.

The 'socioenvironmental state' conceptualisation probes how contested, shifting, emergent boundaries of the state contain the possibilities for transformative change in the Anthropocene. The paper outlines a research programme capable of addressing the questions: who becomes authorised to govern change, who is required to make changes on the ground, and what subjectivities and pathways emerge in the context of rapid rate change? The conceptualisation unpacks three boundaries: state– society, its socionatural emergence, and the relationships between boundary-making and belonging to address these questions and better account for the successes and failures of attempts at governing an uncertain, rapidly changing world. In this analysis, 'environmental change' arises as a stochastic, relational becoming – ecologies and resources are emergent with the social-politics of governing them – suggesting that more analytical attention is required on how 'environmental challenges' and their 'drivers of change' are conceived and delimited. Together, these theoretical insights help reveal the way that the micro-politics of local resource use and the contradictory acceptance and refusals of authority and subjection are not only products of, but also productive of, larger scale political economies, socionatures, governance, and political struggles. The aim is to contribute towards a reimagination of political authority that begins to capture the complex interplay between our attempts at governing a changing world and the inadvertent authorisations, inclusions, and exclusions that we produce in those efforts. The paper partially illustrates the conceptual ideas with an account of forestry and climate change in Nepal. In a context wherein programmes to govern resources have become of global concern, probing the implications of these points is crucial. It is not only that states govern resources with particular consequences for 'environmental change' or 'sustainability', but also that the act of governing resources (re)produces the socioenvironmental boundaries of the state with profound implications for how future transformations can unfold.

Theories on political socialization are being reexamined as researchers are becoming skeptical of their explanatory power. Previous studies often characterized adolescence and young adults as passive objects for socialization, failing to grasp that the political views of adolescence and young adults are constantly changing, and often take a non-institutional form. Some researchers are trying a different approach where mechanisms and processes are put in a central role in determining how adolescents and young adults develop their civic engagement. The objective is to understand how civic engagement changes over time and what role the media and peers play in this socialization process. The studies will last for seven years and consists of longitudinal, experimental and follow-up studies. The results will be checked against individual, biological, sociological and cognitive factors, and gender. L. Pitkaniemi