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AbstractResearch Question/IssueDespite the importance of political ties to firm strategy and performance, little is known about why and how firms form political ties. This study examines how firm‐specific governance structures function as important determinants of the formation of political ties and how the impact of governance structures evolves during institutional transition of emerging economies.Research Findings/InsightsOur empirical analysis is based on a longitudinal data set involving manually coded political ties of listed firms in Taiwan between 1996 and 2005. We find that business group affiliation and family ownership facilitate the formation of political ties but that such effects diminish as market infrastructures and regulatory institutions develop.Theoretical/Academic ImplicationsThis study systematically examines how corporate governance structures affect the formation of political ties. It identifies an overlooked explanation for the dynamics of political ties that resides in the internal governance structures of firms. It contributes to the corporate governance research by demonstrating how governance structures other than the board of directors can provide resources to facilitate strategic actions such as political tie establishment. It also enriches research on corporate governance bundles by showing the interdependence among multilevel governance mechanisms in the context of political tie formation.Practitioner/Policy ImplicationsThis study offers insights for business executives interested in managing interdependence with government. While business group affiliates and family firms are better able to link to politicians, such advantages diminish during institutional transition. Hence, group leaders and family owners should consider other political activities to effectively manage political risks as institutions develop.

AbstractTogether, Asian American and Latino evangelicals constitute about 13% of all evangelicals in the United States. This proportion is surely going to increase as new immigrants enter the United States from Asia and Latin America and the number of White evangelicals remains steady or even falls. But the extent and nature of the effects of evangelical identity on the political attitudes of growing numbers of Latinos and Asian Americans have not been studied systematically. This article aims to fill that gap by comparing the effects of evangelical identity on political attitudes across a range of groups to better address the conditional effects of religious identity on political orientations in an increasingly diverse context. The primary research question driving the study is does born-again identity play a consistent role across racial groups in determining political attitudes?

The article departs from the analysis of Mi tío el yaguareté of Joao Guimaraes Rosa, emblematic author of the Brazilian literature. It is inserted in the neobarroco by his stylistic conditions , but the analysis that is realized approaches, from a philosophical optics, the effects ethical politicians of the story from his crossing with ethnographic perspectives like that of Viveiros de Castro , which read to Claude Levi Straus bearing in mind categories of Giles Deleuze and Félix Guatari. In consequence, the notions of subject, object, person, language and the differences between kinds, races or species are destabilized from the considerations of the Amerindian perspectivismo and the conceptions "canibalísticas" of the metaphysic ; El artículo parte del análisis de Mi tío el yaguareté de Joao Guimaraes Rosa, autor emblemático de la literatura brasileña. Se lo inserta en el neobarroco por sus condiciones estilísticas y enunciativas, pero el análisis que intentamos realizar aborda, desde una óptica filosófica, los efectos ético políticos de la narración a partir de su cruce con perspectivas etnográficas como la de Viveiros de Castro, que releen a Claude Levi Strauss tomando en cuenta categorías de Giles Deleuze y Félix Guatari. Así las nociones de sujeto, objeto, persona, lengua y las diferencias entre géneros, razas o especies se desestabilizan a partir de las consideraciones del perspectivismo amerindio y de las concepciones canibalísticas de la metafísica

After the wars of independence in Latin America (1810-1821) the first attempt to articulate and write a literature project that supplemented the political process of emancipation was developed by the 19th century lettered men. That project was characterized by the use of the written word as an organizing and legislative principle designed to give cultural and political form to the recently emancipated nations of Latin America. There was; therefore, an inherent link between politics and aesthetics and the literary project of the 19th century proposed by the letter men. At the turn of the 19th century, the modernist writers postulated a new paradigm of literary representation. The new project was conceived as a depuration of the literary field from the insidious influence of political thought. Literature produced under the rubric of this new paradigm, exhibited tensions stemming from the desire to separate the political realm from the aesthetic realm. This paradigm shift is explored by the literary critic Julio Ramos whose work sheds light on the professionalization of the Latin American writer and its impact upon the writing of literature at the intersection of the 19th and 20th centuries in Latin America. In the European academy, a new perspective on aesthetics has been proposed by the Algerian French philosopher Jaques Rancière who using the works of Plato and Aristotle, examines the close relationship between aesthetics and politics in artistic production, specifically the origin and differences between mimetic and aesthetic art and their relation to the birth of politics. In this thesis, I explore the change in the literary representation from the organizational paradigm proposed by the 19th century lettered men to the highly aestheticized literary field proposed by the modernist of the early 20th century. My study will explore the relationship between those two paradigms and their intrinsic link to the political phenomena of that time. Finally, I reveal how the production of literature is crucial and historically linked to the current political transformations occurring in Latin American countries such as Venezuela and Colombia. In these social transformations, important aspects of the literature produced during the periods mentioned above are present; those aspects are: the concepts of equality, justice and the participation of the common people in the political and cultural transformation in their countries.

Soziale Arbeit hat ein politisches Mandat! – diese Behauptung steht im Mittelpunkt eines langen, aber bislang ungelösten Streits innerhalb von Disziplin und Profession. Weniger umstritten ist, dass die aktuelle Situation im Bereich Flucht und Asyl eine der größten Herausforderungen Deutschlands für die kommenden Jahre darstellt. Bei den Geflüchteten handelt es sich dabei um eine Personengruppe, deren Lebensumstände sehr stark von der aktuellen Politik und deren Gesetzgebung geprägt sind, die aber gleichzeitig aufgrund ihres rechtlichen Status kaum bis gar nicht in der Lage zur politischen Einflussnahme ist. Eine Verknüpfung dieser beiden Themen ermöglicht die Frage, inwiefern die Fachkräfte der Düsseldorfer Flüchtlingssozialarbeit kommunalpolitische Prozesse bezüglich des Umgangs mit Geflüchteten beeinflussen. Vor dem Hintergrund des Diskurses um ein politisches Mandat Sozialer Arbeit sowie des Konzepts 'Sozialarbeitspolitik' als theoretischem Bezugsrahmen erfolgte die empirische Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Frage mittels Expert_inneninterviews mit solchen Fachkräften. Das gewonnene Material wurde dann mithilfe des thematischen Codierens ausgewertet. Die Fachkräfte betrachten politisches Handeln demzufolge als festen Bestandteil ihres Arbeitsauftrages und gestalten es anhand von diversen Handlungsstrategien und Methoden, die auch im Konzept 'Sozialarbeitspolitik' beschrieben werden. Eine besondere Bedeutung wird dabei der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit zugeschrieben. Insgesamt werfen die Forschungsergebnisse erste Schlaglichter auf unterschiedliche Aspekte politischen Handelns von Fachkräften in der kommunalen Flüchtlingssozialarbeit. Darüber hinaus werden an diesem Beispiel Möglichkeiten und Grenzen politischen Handelns von Fachkräften Sozialer Arbeit diskutiert sowie der Bedarf des Konzepts 'Sozialarbeitspolitik' an weiterer Differenzierung und Weiterentwicklung aufgezeigt. ; Social work has a political mandate! – This statement takes center in an intense dispute of social work's discipline and profession, that persists for decades, but is not settled yet. That fact the current situation in the field of supplying and integration of refugees is one of Germanys biggest future challenges is a rather non-controversial one. Refugees are a group of people, whose living conditions are strongly influenced by current political decisions. However this group is not able to influence politically itself. Linking these two topics enables the question, in what way the professionals in the field of social work with refugees in Düsseldorf influence local political tasks concerning the public handling of refugees. The dispute of social work's political mandate and the concept of "Sozialarbeitspolitik" build the theoretical frame of the study, while the empirical exploration happened by interviews with those professionals. The gained material was evaluated by the method "thematisches Codieren". The experts interviewed consider political action as an important part of their working task, which they implement by different methods and strategies, that are also included in the concept of "Sozialarbeitspolitik". In this context public relation has a special relevance. All in all the results of the research can be seen as a first step to illustrate the diverse aspects of professionals political action in local social work with refugees. It also demonstrates the possibilities and limits of this political action and the need of the concept of "Sozialarbeitspolitik" for more differentiation and enhancements.

In this article, we examine protest of India's passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Registry of Citizens (NRC) which spurred instances of physical and digital protest. We study the intersections of gender, political subjectivities, and digital activism among anti-CAA-NRC activists, specifically the "Women of Shaheen Bagh." We discuss our data collection methods, description, and analysis of the protests in the context of larger questions, including how critical, feminist researchers may engage with data tools and how forms of gendered, transnational protest are mediated and represented via individual images, texts, and videos that make up social media data. We illuminate the formation of political subjectivities in the context of transnational, digital protest movements by re-appropriating computational and data tools. This article seeks to demonstrate an interdisciplinary engagement between critical, feminist approaches to knowledge and subject formation and data science approaches to social network analysis and data visualization techniques.

At the end of the nineteenth century, European social democracy found acceptance among some circles of the Bulgarian intelligentsia. However, the social base of this new ideology, including industrialization and urbanization, was almost missing. This contradiction confronted the young party with the challenge of adapting to local social reality, not only leading it to a chain of internal ideological dilemmas questioning its social democratic identity, but also stimulating various political interactions with the public environment, culminating in a change of national politics. The present article lays out the problem of social democracy's political adaptation by focusing first on the "Agrarian Question" debates among the party elite through investigation of the public discussions in the congresses, newspapers, and letters, and second, on political practice in the field of electoral politics through analyses of electoral statistics and mobilization discourses. The article's main conclusions are that (1) dialectics between the intensive transfer of modern ideas and the complex process of their adaptation to national conditions is one of the "moving contradictions" of Bulgarian social democracy's development in the Balkan peripheral context, (2) the Bulgarian Workers' Social Democratic Party's (BWSDP) experience confirms the more general tendency in Second International social democracy of a strong interdependence between electoral politics and ideological debates, and (3) the efforts for political mobilization of the petty peasants and artisans through Marxist language led to its evolution into a socialist-populist discourse that stimulated massification of political participation and encouraged but also opposed the early Agrarian movement.

This study analyzed the effect of communication on a career mediated by the leader member exchange with Political Skill as a moderating variable. The sampling method used in this study is a saturated sample that was distributed to all employees and lecturers at one of the University in Jakarta, with a population of 149 people. By distributing questionnaires to as many as the population within 2 weeks and the questionnaires that were successfully answered were 97 questionnaires via google form. Data analysis method in this study uses Partial Least Square with the help of Smart PLS software. The results of this study indicate: H1 Communication on career with a significant level of 0.002, H2 The quality of leader member exchange (LMX) affects career by 0,000, while H3 Communication has no effect on careers mediated by the quality of leader member exchange by 0.582, H4 The quality of leader member exchange has no effect on careers by 0.730 and H5 Quality superior-subordinate relations do not affect the career moderated by political expertise by 0.396.

Starting from Justus Lipsius's "Monita et exempla politica"(1605), this book offers a collection of essays dealing with the disputed Macchiavellian, Tacitean or Neostoic character of Lipsius's political thought, and its impact on the dynamics of political discourse in Early Modern Europe.

Political trust in governments and political organs is a significant determinant of legitimacy. This quantitative study, using survey and questionnaire, has studied and investigated the effects of two variables of the state's governing method and performance, as well as soft power on students' political trust. The sample of the study included 400 bachelor's and master's students studying at Shiraz University. The result revealed a positive relationship students' use of domestic media and trusting their contents and their political trust on the government and the political institutions. There was a negative and inverse relation when it came to the Internet and satellite channels. In terms of government performance indicators (including sense of security, notion of rule of law, services, accountability and political effectiveness) and political trust, a positive relationship was observed. However, an inverse and significant relationship was seen between the thought that there's discrimination and corruption and political trust. The multivariate analysis showed that the variables namely Trust in news of local media, notion of corruption in institutions, notion of accountability, responsibility and supervision in the government and administration, sense of security, notion of rule of law, and sex (being man), totally explained 49.7% of changes in political trust.

Democratization is seen as the process of institutionalization of the major democratic doctrine as part of everyday culture in a given society. Its basic principles find expression in the channeling of a given society's behavioral pattern towards democratic ideals; it penetrates all strands of community relations from economy through religion, family life to politics. This study seeks to ascertain the degree to which the Nigeria democracy has affected their national development, using empirical indicators such as poverty rate, unemployment rate, GDP growth rate, civil liberty, political right or freedom. It however, revealed that Nigeria strand of democracy is antithetical to national development arguing that the motive forces of their political elites are in sharp contrast with the end democratic principles seek to accomplish. This study empirically demonstrates how these trends have negatively affected the national development in terms of growth rate in Nigeria, and concludes that the breakdown of the present political structure is looming, since they have ceased to attract the allegiance of the common citizens