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Taking into account the epistemological convergence between political science and political anthropology, the author reflects on the nature and contents of pluricultural democracy, providing some critical remarks. ; Desde la convergencia epistemológica entre ciencia política y antropología política el autor reflexiona sobre la naturaleza y los contenidos de la democracia pluricultural, aportando algunas consideraciones críticas. ; Depuis la convergence épistémologique sur Science Politique et Anthropologie Politique, l'auteur réflechie sur la nature et les contenus de la Démocratie Pluri-culturelle, en apportant quelques considérations critiques. ; Fil: Vázquez, Amancio. Centro Interdisciplinario de Ciencias Etnolingüísticas y Antropológico-Sociales. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina

The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation. ; Straipsnyje plėtojamos normatyvinės prielaidos, kokios turėtų būti politinės ideologijos, demokratija ir politinės partijos. Formuluojama persvarstyto liberalizmo, kuris suvokiamas kaip patraukli alternatyva vyraujančioms šiuolaikinėms politinėms ideologijoms, versija. Persvarstyto liberalizmo prielaidas, kokios turi būti ideologijos, apibendrina ideologinio pliuralizmo samprata. Ideologiniam pliuralizmui būdinga: 1) skirtis tarp "kairės" ir "dešinės" nėra vienintelė, kuri paaiškina ideologinių schemų įvairovę – galimos ir kitokios skirtys, politinės ideologijos nebūtinai turi būti kategorizuojamos kairės-dešinės skalėje; 2) kad ideologijos būtų pripažintos demokratinėje visuomenėje, jos turi atitikti bendrus demokratiškumo principus; 3) ideologijos padeda politinėms partijoms generuoti alternatyvias socialinės tikrovės vizijas ir viešosios politikos alternatyvų paketus, įtikinti rinkėjus, suburti komandas, kompetentingas įgyvendinti šias vizijas ir viešosios politikos alternatyvas, išugdyti lyderius, kurie sugebėtų įkvėpti ir motyvuoti žmones siekti bendrų tikslų. Taip pat formuluojama visapusiškos demokratijos samprata, alternatyvi tiek atstovaujamosios, tiek tiesioginės, deliberatyvinės, pilietinės, tiek kitų šiuolaikinių demokratijų koncepcijoms. Visapusiškos demokratijos modelyje demokratija yra suvokiama kaip kolektyvinio sprendimų priėmimo proceso savybė, formuluojami normatyviniai kriterijai pagrindiniams kolektyvinio sprendimų priėmimo proceso elementams: sprendimų priėmimo proceso dalyviams, sprendimų priėmimo proceso procedūroms, sprendimų turiniui ir sprendimų įgyvendinimui. Tokia integruota demokratijos teorija sudaro galimybę formuoti naujas demokratines institucijas, keisti sprendimų priėmimo praktikas. Iš visapusiškos demokratijos sampratos išvedamos prielaidos apie kitokį politinių partijų vaidmenį – politinėms partijoms siūloma priskirti tokias funkcijas kaip piliečių ugdymas, viešųjų diskusijų iniciavimas ir moderavimas, viešosios politikos sprendimų įgyvendinimo priežiūra. Politinės partijos visapusiškoje demokratijoje turėtų veikti vadovaudamosi ideologijomis, kurios atitiktų jau minėto ideologinio pliuralizmo sąlygas. Politinių partijų vidaus valdymas taip pat turėtų būti organizuotas pagal visapusiškos demokratijos modelio kriterijus.

This updated edition of the influential Development Against Democracy is a critical guide to postwar studies of modernisation and development. In the mid-twentieth century, models of development studies were products of postwar American policy. They focused on newly independent states in the Global South, aiming to assure their pro-Western orientation by promoting economic growth, political reform and liberal democracy. However, this prevented real democracy and radical change. Today, projects of democracy have evolved in a radically different political environment that seems to have little in common with the postwar period. Development Against Democracy, however, testifies to a revealing continuity in foreign policy, including in justifications of 'humanitarian intervention' that echo those of counterinsurgency decades earlier in Latin America, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. Irene L. Gendzier argues that the fundamental ideas on which theories of modernisation and development rest have been resurrected in contemporary policy and its theories, representing the continuity of postwar US foreign policy in a world permanently altered by globalisation and its multiple discontents, the proliferation of 'failed states,' the unprecedented exodus of refugees, and Washington's declaration of a permanent war against terrorism.

This article explores the reductionist approach of political ideologies as used by political candidates, which is part of the common feature of political marketing. Understanding the value or belief system which is accepted as fact or truth by the targeted group, places the candidate in a position to promote them self as a well-intentioned, committed leader who seeks to motivate the audience to action. Modern marketing of political candidates begins by understanding central concepts of ideologies. The utilization of ideologies is complex, in that there is no single concept or claim revealing surprising affinities with various images of the candidate. It also has distinctive function, by misrepresenting the totality of the ideology by forming a total belief in the candidate versus the ideology in a particular way. People must commit or surrender to the demands of the candidate, thus making it possible for the candidate to get elected. The branding of the candidate while utilizing political ideologies in part disables people from easily disregarding information perceived to be antithetical to the concepts of the ideology (Quelch, 2007).

This article identifies influential political narratives in the 73 currently most highly cited political science articles on the EU. It is based on systematic analysis of expressions of normativity, which signal that European integration, or its institutions or policies, are bad, good, flourishing or declining. A normative narrative of continuous progress in integration, connected with a 1990s grand theoretical debate in EU studies, accounts for much of the positive tone of EU studies until about 1998. Narratives about the EU's democratic deficit and its impact beyond its borders help explain the subsequent negative turn in EU studies normativity

Vols. 4-38, 40-41 include Record of political events, Oct. 1, 1888-Dec. 31, 1925 (issued as a separately paged supplement to no. 3 of v. 31-38 and to no. 1 of v. 40) ; Microfilm. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Issued by the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, 1909- ; by the Academy of Political Science, Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University ; Vols. 1-15, 1886-1900. 1 v; Vols. 1-30, 1886-1915. 1 v.; Vols. 1-45, 1886-1930. 1 v.; Vols. 46-65, 1931-50. 1 v ; NEWS; MICROFILM 21252: See call no. H1 P8 for MAIN holdings on paper for this title. ; MAIN; AQ P66: Includes reprint editions when original not available ; SCP weekly serials 2007/2008. ; UPD

In all advanced Western nations, policy-makers have implemented encompassing welfare state reforms in recent decades breaking with past welfare arrangements. In particular, social democracy engaged in significant policy change under the Third Way paradigm and broke with its traditional reputation on welfare that had built the ties with the core constituency in the 20th century. The Electoral Consequences of Third Way Welfare State Reforms: Social Democracy's Transformation and its Political Costs provides a comparative study of the electoral consequences of Third Way welfare state reforms. The book demonstrates that Third Way reforms went against the social policy preferences of social democracy's core voters and indeed produced an electoral setback for social democrats at the ballots. Moreover, and accounting for cross-national variation, the analysis shows that the nature of the setback is contingent on the electoral system and the party competition social democrats face when reforming the welfare state.

A review devoted to the historical statistical and comparative study of politics, economics and public law. ; A review devoted to the historical statistical and comparative study of politics, economics and public law. ; Vols. 4-38, 40-41 include Record of political events, Oct. 1, 1888-Dec. 31, 1925 (issued as a separately paged supplement to no. 3 of v. 31-38 and to no. 1 of v. 40). ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Electronic mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Microfilm copy: Microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich., University Microfilms. reels. 35 mm. ; Issued in print, microform, and online. ; Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University (1909- for the Academy of Political Science).

In this article, we examine psychological features of extreme political ideologies. In what ways are political left- and right-wing extremists similar to one another and different from moderates? We propose and review four interrelated propositions that explain adherence to extreme political ideologies from a psychological perspective. We argue that (a) psychological distress stimulates adopting an extreme ideological outlook; (b) extreme ideologies are characterized by a relatively simplistic, black-and-white perception of the social world; (c) because of such mental simplicity, political extremists are overconfident in their judgments; and (d) political extremists are less tolerant of different groups and opinions than political moderates. In closing, we discuss how these psychological features of political extremists increase the likelihood of conflict among groups in society.

This article explores the gender dimension of ideology and representation by analyzing the political parties that ran in the 2019 Polish parliamentary elections, using a novel analytical framework based on gender claims and gender-related policy pledges. This article demonstrates that a left and liberal ideology largely determines feminist and pro-LGBTQ+ promissory representation. However, the gender ideologies of right-wing political parties vary in their traditional types and can include a populist element. This article contributes to comparative gender and politics scholarship by examining gender ideologies in the Central and Eastern European context, where on the one hand, populism and anti-gender campaigns have taken hold, and, on the other, feminist and progressive movements have challenged traditionalism and illiberalism. This article also differentiates a scholarly meaning of gender ideology from its populist meaning.

ÖZETİnsanları diğer canlılardan ayıran en önemli özellikler hayal gücü ve yaratım yeteneğidir. Bu her iki vasıf da insanların hem özel, hem de kamusal hayatları için vazgeçilmezdir. İnsanlar yüzyıllar boyunca yaşam şekillerini, toplulukları, halkları, devletleri ve hükümet sistemlerini tasavvur etmişler ve sonuç olarak kendi tasavvurlarını vücuda getirmişlerdir. İster gerçeğe dönüşsün, ister asla gerçekleştirilemeyecek ütopyalar (hatta distopyalar) olarak kalsın, hayal gücünün dünyanın işleyiş biçimine doğrudan katkısı vardır. Politika, uluslar arası ilişkiler, bilim, sanat ve edebiyatta bu hayal gücünün sonuçlarını ve yansımalarını rahatlıkla görebiliriz. Bununla birlikte, bu yansımanın karşılıklı olduğunu da söyleyebiliriz. Hayal gücü politikayı ve politik sistemleri etkilediği kadar, bu sistemler ve politikadaki değişimler de insanların fikirlerini etkiler, özellikle de sınırsız bir hayal gücüne sahip olanları. Bu bağlamda, bilim kurgu edebiyatının usta kalemleri kendi ütopyan ve distopyan dünyalarını yaratmış ve dünya çapında yankı bularak diğer insanların fikirlerini de etkilemişlerdir. Hayallerle gerçekler arasındaki bu etkileşim en iyi bilim kurgunun başyapıtlarında görülmektedir. Politik ideolojiler (ki bunlar da sonuçta kağıt üzerindeki tasavvurlardır) ve ütopyan / distopyan romanlar arasındaki bağlantılar ve karşılaştırmalar William Morris'in News From Nowhere (Hiçbir Yerden Haberler), Aldous Huxley'nin Brave New World (Cesur Yeni Dünya), Ursula K. Le Guin'in The Dispossessed (Mülksüzler) and William Gibson'ın Neuromancer (Matrix Avcısı) adlı kitaplarında incelenmiştir. Bu romanlar ütopyan ya da distopyan dünyaları resmederek bize alternatif gerçeklikleri gösterirken, bir yandan da geçmişi ve şimdiyi yansıtarak bize geleceğe ilişkin rehberler sunmaktadır.ABSTRACTThe most important elements that separate humans from other living organisms are the power of imagination and the gift of creation. Both abilities are crucial in people's lives, private and public. For centuries humankind imagined their life styles, communities, societies, states, government systems and as a result, they created their own imaginations. Whether they become realities or utopias (maybe dystopias), imagination has a lot to do with how the world works. In politics, international relations, science, art and literature, we can see the outcomes and reflections of human imagination. Besides, we can also say that this reflection works both ways. Just as much as imagination affects politics, political systems and political changes also affect the minds of people, especially those with a boundless imagination. In this context, the masters of science fiction literature have built utopian and dystopian worlds of their own and have affected the minds of other people throughout the world. The interaction between imagination and reality is best seen in these sci-fi masterpieces. The connections and comparisons between political ideologies (which are also imaginations put on paper) and utopian / dystopian novels are examined in William Morris's News From Nowhere, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, Ursula K. Le Guin's The Dispossessed and William Gibson's Neuromancer. These novels present us alternative realities by picturing utopian or dystopian worlds and by reflecting our history and present, they offer us guides towards the future.

Craig Johnson is an Associate Professor in Political Science. His research lies in the field of international development, focusing primarily on the ways in which global demand for land, resources and energy is affecting patterns of poverty, climate vulnerability and environmental sustainability in the Global South. Between 2009 and 2013, he led an international team of researchers looking at the socio-economic and environmental implications of urban land acquisition in India, Bangladesh and Viet Nam. He is now taking forward new work on the global race for alternative energy sources, particularly in the oil and gas sector. Finally, he is editing a book that will be published with Routledge in 2015 about the ways in which cities around the world are now responding to the global climate challenge. For more information about Craig Johnson's research, please go to his website at https://www.uoguelph.ca/polisci/craig-johnson David MacDonald is a Professor in Political Science. His research connects Canada and New Zealand. Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand are located on opposite sides of the world, yet both countries are grappling with how to forge better relationships between settlers, indigenous peoples, and ethnic communities. How a country is imagined and represented can make a difference. Canada's bilingualism and multiculturalism both symbolically alienate First Nations, Metis, and Inuit peoples, whose unique historical and legal status is often ignored. In New Zealand, the dominant narrative is biculturalism – a partnership between indigenous Maori and Paheka (European settlers). Ethnic communities do not easily fit into this image of the nation. His research examines the ways in which imagining community affect how these three groups form alliances or compete with one another for recognition and resources. For more information about David MacDonald's research, please go to his website at https://www.uoguelph.ca/polisci/david-macdonald ; Craig Johnson is examining how the global race for land and energy is affecting poverty, sustainability and climatic vulnerability in the Global South. David MacDonald is improving relations between Aboriginal peoples and ethnically diverse Canadians by drawing lessons from biculturalism in New Zealand.

As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l'existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les rôles positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la « Loi de parti », la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l'établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l'esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l'ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l'affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation 摘要:政黨文化作為政黨研究中一個新概念,具有不同于其他組織文化的內涵、功能和特點。它制約和影響著政黨民主(特指政黨內部民主)的存在、發展和實現程度。文章分析傳統政黨文化對政黨民主的促進和阻礙,提出從《政黨法》的創建,傳統金字塔型組織結構、權力結構的變革,政黨內部民主制度及程式的建立,民主精神的培育等方面入手,構建以開放,民主、法治、意識形態弱化、網路狀關係為特徵的新型政黨文化,以促進政黨民主的發展和實現。 關鍵詞:政黨文化;政黨民主;實現途徑

From the Rice Thresher Archive, a collection of newspaper articles published in the student newspaper for Rice University. Genre: News

Physics and politics; an application of the principles of natural science to political society, by Walter Bagehot -- History of the science of politics, by Frederick Pollock. ; Mode of access: Internet.