Suchergebnisse

The European Charter of Local Self-Government is, so far, the first and most important international political tool which guarantees the development of decentralization of public power and local autonomy. It represents the commitment of the Council of Europe's member country to promote in the internal organization of their states, a new distribution of functions and powers in order to support the development of subnational levels.
In carrying out the delimitation process of responsibilities between levels of public power's achievement we should start from the provisions of The European Charter of Local Self-Government which is based on institutional practices and structures, tested for decades in dozen of European countries. That means rationing, giving up improper structures, which would result the removing of the vertical power and as consequence the demolition of foundations on which inefficiency and corruption are based on. The necessity of transferring the resources and powers to the local level is dictated by a vital imperative – the strengthening of local public authorities' capacities and potential in order to locally provide a maximum volume of qualitative public services. This requires creating a clear and simple demarcation algorithm of responsibilities between the levels of exercise of public power.

The ethnic structure of this region has been strongly influenced by the evolution of different historical-geographical, and political factors, but also by the evolution of the confessional structure. Ethnicity, from this point of view, is closely related to religion. What is typical and important to note is that the ethnic structure is very diverse. In addition to Romanians and Hungarians, also Gypsies, Germans, Slovaks, Jews, Ruthenians, and Serbs are present; other ethnic groups are numerically insignificant. For this period we identified two important categories of documents relating to ethnic identity of Transylvanians: 1. records made by the Austrian state authorities; 2. Church documents. They must be viewed and analyzed with great care because they do not correspond directly to the necessity to establish ethnic identities. The documents that are available to us do not allow for an accurate determination of a person's ethnicity. Given the lack of a variable on nationality from the few censuses conducted by the Hungarian State, we propose based on analysis of other documents (particularly those of ecclesiastical origin) to: a) check the mother tongue, b) establish religious identity and c) run an onomastic study.

"W książce podjęta jest stale aktualna i ważna problematyka wyznaczania granic społecznych i zróżnicowania świata społecznego, migracji i idącego za tym poczucia odrębności, wyobcowania, ale też budowania wspólnoty pomimo […] doświadczanych w toku codziennego życia różnic". Zawarte w niej teksty posłużą lepszemu rozpoznaniu "fenomenu pogranicza w różnych jego aspektach (językowym, kulturowym, społecznym, politycznym) przez osoby należące do świata nauki oraz przez praktyków społecznych (polityków, działaczy i aktywistów). Poszczególne artykuły mogą być również pomocne w procesie dydaktycznym na różnych szczeblach i kierunkach kształcenia w różnych krajach Europy Środkowej" (z recenzji prof. dr. hab. Lecha Suchomłynowa). ; "The book tackles the continuously topical and important subject matter of the setting of social boundaries and the diversity of the social world, of migration and the associated sense of separateness and alienation but also community building despite [.] the everyday experience of difference". The texts comprising this volume will allow for a better understanding of "the phenomenon of the borderland in its various aspects (linguistic, cultural, societal, political) on the part of members of the scientific community and of social practitioners (politicians and activists). Particular texts might also prove useful in the educational process at different levels and in different fields - and in different Central European countries" (from review by Professor Lech Suchomłynow). ; Redakcja naukowa książki została sfinansowana w ramach programu Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego pod nazwą "Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki" w latach 2015–2018, nr projektu 1bH 15 0354 83

This article reveals the institutional characteristics of local public administration in the Republic of Moldova - local autonomy, decentralization of public services, eligibility of public authorities, and consultation of citizens in issues of major interest. From institutional point of view, the local public administration in the Republic of Moldova is insufficiently developed. Local autonomy is performed with long postponement. Most of the population is still under the influence of the idea that all the problems are solved at the central administration level, while the local public officials are just some executive agents at the local level.
Options related to decentralization as a requirement of administration's approach by the administratives, have been manifested more as a way of the central authorities to get rid of the problems that they themselves can not solve. Citizens' behavior in Moldova shows on a limited degree of control that can occur in connection with the social and political process. Forms of realization of the principle of consultation of citizens in matters of particular interest are consultations, public hearings and conversations. Although legally regulated, the referendum failed to materialize itself into a viable institution of participation. In this connection it is necessary to take into account the fact that the structure of the resistance of local public administration consists of its institutional roles, and assimilation of these ones is achieved on the basis of access to media materials.

Transitional Justice in the Arab World and its Effects in the Light of the "Arab Spring" Launched in 2011 The events that took place in early 2011, known as the "Arab Spring", sparked several discussions in relation to regions that were considered closed to the democratic values promoted by Western states. Chain revolutions have primarily addressed a key issue, that of transitional justice, thus trying to bring truth and reconciliation to societies where for decades terror, totalitarianism, serious human rights violations, political repression have reigned, including those committed by police and security organs. Unfortunately, we must note that the lack of traditions in this regard has not allowed the realizations of tasks put before the transitional judiciary in these countries, although, we must admit, some successes have been achieved. Evenimentele ce au avut loc la începutul anului 2011, cunoscute sub termenul de "primăvara arabă" au trezit mai multe discuţii în raport cu regiuni care erau considerate închise pentru valorile democratice promovate de statele occidentale. Revoluţii în lanţ au abordat în primul rând un subiect cheie, cel al justiţiei tranziţionale, astfel încercând să aducă adevărul și reconcilierea în societăţile în care timp de decenii au domnit teroarea, totalitarismul, încălcări grave ale drepturilor omului, represiuni politice și din partea organelor de poliţie și de securitate. Cu regret, trebuie să constatăm faptul, că lipsa unor tradiţii în acest sens, nu a permis realizarea sarcinilor puse în faţa justiţiei tranziţionale în aceste ţări, deși, totuși, trebuie să recunoaștem, anumite succese au fost atinse.

Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; CONSILIUL ȘTIINȚIFIC: prof. univ. dr. Ștefan Afloroaei (Universitatea "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" din Iași ; România) ; prof. univ. dr. habil. Constantin Chiriac (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu ; România) ; prof. univ. dr. Petr Kopecký (Universitatea din Leiden ; Germania) ; prof. univ. dr. Mihaela Miroiu (Școala Națională de Studii Politice și Administrative ; România) ; acad. pr. prof. univ. dr. Mircea Păcurariu (Academia Română) ; acad. prof. univ. dr. Ioan-Aurel Pop (Academia Română) ; conf. univ. dr. Marci Shore (Universitatea Yale ; Statele Unite ale Americii) ; prof. univ. dr. Stefan Sienerth (Universitatea "Ludwig Maximilian" din München ; Germania) ; prof. univ. dr. habil. Andrei Terian (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu ; România) ; acad. prof. univ. dr. Alexandru Zub (Academia Română). REDACȚIA: Redactor-șef: Radu Vancu ; Redactori: Dragoș Varga ; Vlad Pojoga. Secretar de redacție: Ștefan Baghiu. ; Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 cuprinde următoarele articole: ISTORIE ŞI STUDII CULTURAL • HISTORY AND CULTURAL STUDIES »» Ioan Stanomir ; Gherea: în preajma revoluţiei. • Gherea – In the Eve of the Revolution. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 1-3 ; Paul Brusanowski ; Mişcări naţionale separatiste în Austro-Ungaria în anii primului război mondial (O cronologie a Unirii Transilvaniei cu România după presa vremii. I). • National Separatist Movements in Austro-Hungaria during World War I (A Chronology of the Union Between Transylvania and Romania in the Papers of the Time. I). În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 4-12 ; Dan Popescu ; Mihail Manoilescu. Schiţă de portret. • Mihail Manoilescu – Portrait Outline. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 13-20 ; Raul-Marian Todor ; Concursurile sportive interşcolare de la Blaj în perioada interbelică. • Inter-School Sport Contests from Blaj that took place during the Inter-War Period. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 21-26 ; Dionisie Vladimir Turcu ; File din istoria sportului școlar interbelic la liceul "Andrei Şaguna" din Braşov. • Snippets From The History of Interwar School Sport at "Andrei Șaguna" High School Of Brașov. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 27-33 ; STUDII LITERARE • LITERARY STUDIES »» Bogdan Creţu ; Povestea poveştilor sau desacralizarea sacrului. • "Povestea poveștilor" or the The Desacralization of the Sacred. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 34-39 ; Ovio Olaru ; Forever postmodern. Importul unui concept. • Forever Postmodern. Importing a Concept. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 40-46 ; Andreea-Maria Preda ; L'évasion impossible de Lena Constante – résistance et remémoration. • The Impossible Escape. The Political Prison for Women in Miercurea Ciuc 1957-1961" by Lena Constante – resistance and remembrance. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 47-51 ; Daniela Moldoveanu ; Max Blecher' Symbolic Embodiment of Textual Identity. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 52-56 ; Dragoş Varga ; A Cultural Obsession: the Foundation of Roumanian Clacissism. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 57-60 ; Anca Pirnoiu ; Empowering The Self: The Authority Of Identity in Matei Călinescu's "Un Fel de Jurnal". În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 61-65 ; Maria Fărâmă ; Fatalism şi mrejele (ne)istoricului în romanele "Laur" şi "Aviatorul" de Evgheni Vodolaykyn. • Fatalism and (Non)Historical Vision in "Laurus" and "The Aviator" by Eugene Vodolazkin. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 66-72 ; ŞTIINŢELE LIMBII • LANGUAGE SCIENCES »» Radu Drăgulescu ; O cercetare calitativă asupra învăţării limbii române ca limbă străină în context endo-lingvistic. • A Qualitative Research on Learning Romanian as a Foreign Language in Endo-linguistic Context. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 73-81: Laodamia Dascăl ; Power In Media Discourse and Media Structures: Power Relations in the Standardizing of Gender Representations in Romanian Mass Publishing. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 82-89 ; Oana-Maria Bîrlea ; The Transfer Of Power In Japanese Advertising Discourse. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 90-96.

In this study, we analyse the manner of developing a particular system of coordination of European affairs at national level, as well as its efficiency, the aim being to provide suggestions for improving it. The introductory section highlights the need for such a study, given the current political and institutional context of Romania, and it states the objectives of the study. Special attention is given to presenting the theoretical approach (expressing, on the one hand, the authors' vision that European affairs - distinctly from foreign affairs - are part of the complex governance process specific for the European Union (EU) and, on the other hand, operationalizing the idea of efficiency within a national system for coordinating European affairs, etc.) and the research methodology (reasons for choosing a comparative research design to support the presented arguments, as well as the qualitative research performed). In the first part, the paper also provides information on the legislative and institutional configuration of the EU, following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, because the novelties and reforms brought by this regulatory framework (supperior to the one of the Nice Treaty, but inferior to the proposals stipulated within the Constitutional Treaty) have a direct impact on designing the structure for coordinating European affairs in the Member States. Given that in Romania the European affairs coordination system was initially inspired by the French model, while later suffering a series of institutional changes (some inspired by models from other EU states), an important part of the study addresses the need to know, from a comparative perspective, the best practices in European affairs coordination and cooperation mechanisms in other EU Member States. [.]

The first elections to which the Romanians from all the united historical provinces took part were the parliamentary elections of November 2-8, 1919. The elections were held on the basis of the articles of a new electoral law that introduced the universal vote in the electoral practice in Romania. Thus, the Romanian rural area has become an attractive electoral basin for the political parties. Subsequently, the extension of voting rights for women also made the rural area a constant provider of votes for the candidates of political parties in both parliamentary and local elections. The first election exercise under the conditions of an extended electoral space was the local elections of February-March 1930, which were held in stages. On February 5, 1930 elections were held at the county level, and between February 9 and March 16, 1930 at the level of communes. In the communes with several villages the elections for the local councils took place on the days of 9-12 February, in the ones with a single village between 9-12, 16-19, 23-26 February and 2-4 March, and in the cities and municipalities on March 14 and 16, 1930. On February 5, 1930 elections were held for the Cahul County Council. But, the results and the way of conducting the elections were contested. On February 21, 1930, the local review committee of Chișinau admitted the contest against the elections of February 5, 1930 of the Cahul County Council and invalidated the respective elections. The Minister of the Interior Theodor C. Marinescu by his telegram from April 30, 1930 ordered the Local Ministerial Director III Chisinau to comply with the order of the Ministry of Interior no. 1972 of April 2, 1930 and to dispose, according to art. 388 of Law 167/1929 "the convening of the electoral body for the election of the Cahul county council, whose election was invalidated, necessarily until June 1, 1930". In the circumstances created, the Local Ministerial Director III Chișinau ordered the summons of the voters from Cahul county on June 1, 1930, to conduct the county elections. At the new elections on June 1, 1930, only three electoral competitors entered the race, with one less than at the February 5 elections: the National Peasant Party with two lists and the Liberal Party with a list. On the electoral lists for the participation in the county elections of June 1, 1930, 40,403 voters were included in the 15 polling stations. 24,153 voters participated in the elections, which constitutes 59.78% of the total number of those included in the lists. A considerable number of votes - 1,050, were canceled, and 287 declared void. The number of legally cast votes was 22,816. In the result of the election the electoral competitors obtained the following results: The National-Peasant Party, on both lists - 17,903 votes or 78.47% of the legally expressed votes and the Liberal Party - 4,913 votes or 21.53% of the legally expressed votes. The elections of June 1 in the Cahul county council were held under the conditions that the National-Peasant Party had achieved an absolute victory in the other counties of the country - 81.77% of the county councilors' mandates. The meeting to establish the Cahul County Council took place on July 27, 1930. The Cahul County Council elected, for a period of 5 years, as president of the Delegation of the county council the lawyer S. Botezatu, who obtained 19 votes out of 30. Members of the delegation of the county council were elected councilors V.Uzun, C. Rădulescu, Gh. Chirciu and A. Sprînceană. With the validation of the county councilors and the legal constitution of the county council's governing bodies, we can consider that the epic of elections for the county council in 1930 were completed.

The European Union is a rather new player in international relations. The European Union is neither a state nor international organization. With the accession to the European Union, the states transfer some attributes of sovereignty and, thus, the governing is done by the European Union mostly, taking part in its relations with third countries. At the same time, it contains some elements of the union (confederation, federation). Therefore, the European Union is more than an international organization. We find elements of the federation, confederation without being identified as such, being established on a system of organization. The European Union aims for integration of societies within a single economic, social, political, legal area. The European Union acts as a proper system based on an idea of creating strong Union bonds between the people of Europe, by establishing an internal market, an economical Union. The European Union, in its relations with the member states, keeps the ultimate goal that it has, being an international legal person, special competences, realizing common goals established with the member states. The legal basis of the European Union is represented by two treaties: the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The well-known Lisbon Treaty represents legally an amending treaty of the previous legal instruments - a compromise between the need for reform, on the one hand, and the need to live in a united Europe, on the other hand. The member states of the EU relate to two legal systems. As a result of their participation in an international organization with supranational character, Member States of the European Union assume a number of commitments with repercussions to their state sovereignty. The Member States coexist with the European Union. The European Union has become, along with its Member States, a matter of international law; even if it shows itself as a conglomerate of states - international organization; it is a union of states established by state attributes, an entity more complex and powerful, with a higher importance with its relations with the Member States, but also with an increased influence on international arena.

Divorce, common-law marriage and illegitimacy (irrespective of its forms) were, no matter the society typology as the phenomenon is approached, forms of social deviation that entailed the dilution of the family image and norms. We do not discuss here about a dilution of the traditional norms concerning family, as someone might misunderstand, it was an erosion of the idea of family in general. The "family" could acquire different forms as compared to the "official" one. Paradoxically, all these were not only the result of personal emancipation, when the youth broke from the traditional norms, which were strongly influenced by religious norms and values, and would have got involved in "dangerous and shameful relationships". The peasant "forgot" to marry his woman not out of emancipation. The theory of personal emancipation leading to the erosion of the idea of family through the dilution of traditional norms, which was valid from the urban perspective (here, due to the affirmation of modernity, the alterity of religious norms led to such relationships), was not supported in the peasant countryside.
The Church fought all these. In fact, the bishopric sent guidelines to priests to take steps against common-law marriages very often. Despite priests' endeavours, the results were not considerable. Few priests could boast (after the first recommendation) in their subsequent parish report to have significantly contributed to diminishing the number of common-law marriages in their parish. The Church faced another issue brought about by its long debate with the State to control the act of marriage. The marriage laws set out in 1894 were the most complex laws regulating the political-religious relations in the matrimonial field in the second half of the 19th century. Due to their clarity, they managed to put an end to the conflicts between the lay and church authorities. Moreover, the debate concerning matrimonial issues for different confessions ended, too, in favour of the State. The State managed to impose its authority in the matrimonial field. The Church was thus compelled to accept the increased competence of the State by introducing the civil documents. All these caused mutations that triggered very different behaviours. Nevertheless, the Church kept imposing religious marriage, divorce and re-marriage for all its parishioners. In such a situation, by analysing the evolution of common-law marriages from the perspective of the Church, we may notice that, on the level of the whole area we focused on, there was a greater easiness in approaching religious marriage after 1895, once the compulsory civil marriage was imposed. The perception of the divorce also changed when the civil matrimonial law was introduced at the end of 1894. Through a last effort, as the Church did not acknowledge lay divorce, they did not grant the right to a second marriage to the individuals. Moreover, from the perspective of the Church, the possible future marriage was considered as a mere common-law marriage, although the State approved of the divorce and the second marriage in which a divorced partner was involved.