Suchergebnisse

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

Glavni je cilj ovoga rada ideološka analiza političkih govora G. W. Busha vezanih za rat u Iraku. Govori su analizirani kao oblik političkoga diskursa da bi se izdvojile leksičke, semantičke, retoričke i gramatičke strukture uporabljene u strategiji polarizacije pri predstavljanju postupaka dviju sukobljenih strana, iračkoga režima i američke vojske. Strategija polarizacije jedno je od osnovnih načela kritičke analize diskursa T. van Dijka, koja se u diskursu očituje u obliku ideološkoga četverokuta. To znači da u obliku diskursa kao što su ovi politički govori, u kojima su zastupljeni interesi dviju sukobljenih država, ideologija, nacija itd. možemo očekivati da će dobri postupci strane kojoj pripada govornik (naše strane) – biti naglašeni, a loši ublaženi, dok će dobri postupci druge strane (njihove) biti ublaženi, a loši naglašeni. Kritička analiza diskursa omogućuje osnovne načine prepoznavanja ovakvih struktura u različitim diskursima, a ovdje konkretno istražuje funkciju i utjecaj što ga te strukture imaju na Bushev politički plan, ali i na društvo u cjelini. ; The paper deals with the ideological analysis of G.W. Bush's political speeches delivered during the war in Iraq. The speeches were analyzed as a sort of political discourse with the purpose of recognizing lexical, semantic, rhetorical and grammatical structures used in the strategy of polarization when representing the actions of two confronted parties – Iraqi regime and American military. Polarization strategy is one of the basic principles of the T.van Dijk's Critical discourse analysis, which is expressed through ideological square. This means that in a kind of political discourse, as these speeches are, in which the interests of two confronted states, ideologies, nations etc. are presented, we can expect good actions of in-group to be emphasized and bad ones to be mitigated, whereas the good actions of out-group will be mitigated and bad ones will be emphasized. Critical discourse analysis offers the basic tools for recognizing such structures in different discourses, but in these political speeches it questions the function and influence which these structures have on Bush's political plan and on society as a whole.

Predmet ovoga rada je proučavanje učestalosti samoubilačkog terorizma s obzirom na politička uređenja napadnutih država. Budući da su teroristički napadi uvijek udar na društvo i društveni poredak, područje nacionalne sigurnosti predstavlja svojevrsnu poveznicu između promatranih varijabli. Od početka 80-ih godina prošloga stoljeća kampanje samoubilačkih napada u stalnom su porastu, a vrhunac doživljavaju nakon 2001. godine. Napadi na Sjedinjene Američke Države 2001. označavaju i početak novog, globaliziranog načina djelovanja terorističkih organizacija. Mete samoubilačkih napada su države svih političkih sustava (autokracija, anokracija i demokracija), što znači da ne postoji obrazac djelovanja organizacija koje u svojim napadima koriste samoubilački terorizam, ali su anokratske države češća meta. Nadalje, rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su mete napada najčešće sigurnosne prirode te da su najviše napada izvele vjerske terorističke organizacije. Na kraju je prikazana kratka ilustracija zaključnih razmatranja na primjeru Iraka. ; The subject of this research paper is the connection between the occurrence of suicide attacks and the political system of the countries that are attacked. Since terror attacks represent an attack on the society and social order, national security represents a kind of connection between those two variables. Suicide attack campaigns are on the rise since the 1980s and they have reached their peak in 2001. That very well-known attack on the United States marks the beginning of a new kind of globalised activity of terrorist organizations. The results show that all countries, no matter their political system, are targets of suicide attacks, which means that there is no pattern in the activity of terrorist organizations that use suicide attacks. There is also a difference in the number of suicide attacks, where anocratic countries are attacked more often. Furthermore, the results show that the targets of most attacks, in all political systems, are security targets, and most of the attacks were carried out by religious terrorist organizations. Finally, we provide a brief illustration of the concluding remarks on the example of the Republic of Iraq.

Online proračunska transparentnost lokalnih jedinica (OLBT) prepoznata je kao važna značajka dobrog upravljanja. U skladu s tim, OLBT se u ovom radu mjeri u svih 128 gradova i na uzorku od 100 općina u Hrvatskoj koristeći nekoliko ključnih lokalnih proračunskih dokumenata objavljenih na web stranicama lokalnih jedinica. Koristeći Poissonov panel model s fiksnim učinkom u razdoblju 2013. – 2017., pokazalo se da osim dohotka stanovnika i fiskalnog kapaciteta lokalnih jedinica, razinu OLBT-a određuju politička ideologija i politička konkurencija. Ovaj rad pridonosi rastućoj literaturi o proračunskoj transparentnosti utvrđivanjem važnosti političkih faktora kao odrednica OLBT-a u bivšoj socijalističkoj, fiskalno centraliziranoj, članici EU-a i otkriva zanimljivu tvrdoglavost građana koji dosljedno glasaju za netransparentne političare. Glavni nalaz je da su politički faktori (politička ideologija i politička konkurencija) važni kao odrednice OLBT-a, što u lokalnim jedinicama rezultira suboptimalnom ravnotežom s niskim razinama OLBT-a. Lokalni političar na vlasti zaključuje da OLBT nije od posebne važnost da bi mu izborna jedinica zamjerila netransparentnost. U takvom je okruženju navedeni zaključak valjan, jer ovaj rad dokazuje da birači, koji su tvrdoglavi u svojim glasačkim obrascima, odbijaju promijeniti lokalnog političara na vlasti iako je netransparentan. ; Online local budget transparency (OLBT) has been recognized as an important feature of good governance. Accordingly, in this paper, OLBT is measured in all 128 cities and a sample of 100 municipalities in Croatia using several key local budget documents published on local government websites. Using a fixed effect Poisson panel model covering the 2013-2017 period, it is shown that along with residents' income and fiscal capacity of local governments, political ideology and political competition determine the level of OLBT. This paper contributes to the growing body of budget transparency literature by establishing the importance of political factors as determinants of OLBT in this former socialist, fiscally centralized EU member state and reveals the curious stubbornness of the citizens who consistently vote for non-transparent politicians. The main finding is that political factors (political ideology and political competition) matters in determining OLBT, resulting in suboptimal equilibrium of local governments with low levels of OLBT. The local incumbent concludes that OLBT is not a high priority and that his/her constituency will not hold it against him/her. In this environment such a conclusion stands owing to the fact that voters who are stubborn in their voting patterns refuse to change the incumbent who created nontransparency.

Ovaj rad bavi se političkom simbolikom zastave kao sastavnim dijelom političkih rituala i političke mitologije te posebice desakralizacijom (profanacijom) zastave kao fenomenom izrazitog političkog simbolizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se povijesni pregled desakralizacije zastave, nacionalne i državne, dok u drugom dijelu autor razmatra fenomen desakralizacije zastave među-narodnih organizacija. Zatim se analizira slučaj desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije u Hrvatskoj 2011. godine u kontekstu kaznenog progona počinitelja i u kontekstu interpretacije kaznenih sankcija, pri čemu autor tvrdi da se odredba članka 186. Kaznenog zakona ne može odnositi na zastavu Europske Unije jer je Lisabonskim ugovorom, koji je stupio na snagu 1. prosinca 2009., dotadašnja zastava EU-a prestala biti službenom. S druge strane EU nije klasična međunarodna organizacija, već politička asocijacija zemalja članica sui generis, pa tako izmiče definiciji međunarodne organizacije, što je potvrđeno i Rezolucijom Opće skupštine UN-a od 3. svibnja 2011. U takvom kontekstu promašen je kazneni progon palitelja zastave EU-a u Hrvatskoj, kao što je neprimjerena i kaznena odredba sa zapriječenom kaznom koja na simboliku paljenja zastave odgovara simbolikom represije. U zaključku autor iznosi da je za politologiju od posebne važnosti izučavanje političke simbolike, što obrazlaže svojom analizom na primjeru desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije. ; This article deals with the political symbolism of the flag as a constituent part of political rituals and political mythology, and special attention is given to the desecration of the flag as a phenomenon of exceptional political symbolism. The author reviews cases of flag desecration, national and international, while in the second part of the article deals with the desecration of international organizations' flags highlighting the desecration of the EU flag. Then the article analyses the desecration of the EU flag in Croatia in 2011 within the context of criminal proceedings initiated against the perpetrators. In doing so, the author finds that Art. 186 of the Croatian Penal Code cannot apply to the desecration of the EU flag as a symbol of an international organization, because the EU is not a classical international organization, but an association of states sui generis, as the German Federal Constitutional court ruled in 1993. Moreover, the flag of Europe is not the official flag of the EU any more since the provisions on EU symbols were cancelled in the Lisbon Treaty entering into force on December 1, 2009. Therefore flag burners or flag rippers cannot be prosecuted under the provisions of this article, because no one can be indicted for a non-existing symbol. However, the study of political symbols is very important in contemporary political science and this should be dealt with in analysis and research.

Integrirane marketinške komunikacije pojavile su se u osamdesetim godinama prošlog stoljeća u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, a danas ih u svijetu, osim tvrtki, koriste i političke stranke jer prepoznaju važnost sinergijskog djelovanja oglašavanja i odnosa s javnošću, ali i integriranja publike u aktivnosti stranke. Ovaj rad uz pomoć metode upitnika te analize sadržaja hiperteksta istražuje jesu li najutjecajnije političke stranke u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji upoznate i koriste li u svom političkom djelovanju integrirano komuniciranje te kako i koliko dugo primjenjuju ovaj koncept. ; Integrated Marketing Communication appeared in the 1980s in the United States, and is nowadays, besides companies, also used by political parties, because they recognized the importance of the synergic effects of advertising and public relations, but also of integrating the audience in the activities of the party. This paper makes use of questionnaires and content analysis of hypertext in order to examine whether the most influential political parties in Croatia and Serbia are informed about integrated marketing communication. Furthermore, the article examines whether these parties use integrated communications in their political activities and inquires how and for how long they have been applying this concept.

Politički savjetnici obilježje su suvremene državne uprave. Predstavljaju osobe koje temeljem imenovanja prema nedefiniranim kriterijima pružaju savjete ministru ili premijeru u pogledu javnih politika, političkih aspekata i koordinacije ili odnosa s javnošću. Dolaze i odlaze s ministrom, a njihov je status u pravilu nejednako reguliran u pojedinim državama, ako je uopće i reguliran. Javljaju se zbog promjena u upravljanju, potrebe za jačanjem koordinacije, vodstva i strategije kao i odgovora na intenziviranje komunikacija. Dovode do promjena u odnosu između politike i uprave u državnoj upravi, a osnovne zamjerke i nepovjerenje javnosti proizlaze iz netransparentnosti, izostanka regulacije i nedostatka odgovornosti. U radu se razmatraju razlozi zbog kojih politički savjetnici postaju neizostavan dio ministarskih kabineta, analiziraju se pojam, vrste i funkcije političkih savjetnika te opisuju posljedice i ključni elementi koncepta. Naglašava se važnost uređenja statusa političkih savjetnika i transparentnosti radi osiguravanja ostvarivanja javnog interesa i povjerenja javnosti u institucije. ; These days political advisors are indispensable to state administration. They are appointed to their positions to advise ministers and the prime minister on public policy, various political aspects and coordination, or on public relations and aspects of communication. Their appointments depend on the minister's term of office. Political advisors are not part of the civil service and different states take different approaches, if any at all, to regulating their status. The need for political advisors arises in conjunction with changes in management, the need to strengthen coordination, leadership and strategy, as well as the need to address a growing intensity of communication. Political advisors constitute a new factor in the dynamic between politicians and civil servants, and they bring about changes in the relationship between politics and administration. They generate a mistrust among the general public, due to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as the fact that, as a rule, their position is governed by specific regulations, if any at all. Conflict of interest, in particular, is a cause for concern. The paper examines the reasons why political advisors may become key members of ministerial cabinets, analyses the concept of the political advisor and their various types and functions, and describes the consequences and key elements of the concept. Trends in some countries are also included.

Sveučilišni profesor upravnog prava, političar, šekspirolog i esejist Vinko Krišković (Senj, 1861. – Zürich, 1952.) u više svojih djela s temama iz filozofije politike zagovara liberalizam na fonu engleskih autora i engleske političke prakse. Krišković je razmjerno slabo prisutan u hrvatskoj političkoj i intelektualnoj povijesti, među ostalim i zbog toga što nije pristajao niti uz jednu političku opciju djelatnu u Hrvatskoj dvadesetih, tridesetih, četrdesetih i pedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća (integralno jugoslavenstvo, haesesovski populizam, totalitarno ustaštvo, jugoslavenski komunizam). Autor sugerira mogući odgovor na pitanje - u kolikoj mjeri on argumente za otpor ovim opcijama i nepristajanje uz njih nalazi u filozofiji, i je li Kriškovićev slučaj u nekoj mjeri relevantan i za aktualne probleme i prijepore. ; Professor of administrative law at the University of Zagreb, politician, essayist and first Croatian member of the Royal Shakespeare Society Vinko Krišković (Senj 1861 - Zurich 1952) dealt in some of his works with the topic of political philosophy. He was an advocate of liberal positions inspired by English authors and English political practice. Krišković is relatively unknown in the Croatian political and intellectual history, i.a. because he opposed all the political options present in Yugoslavia and Croatia in the first half of the 19th century (integral Yugoslavism, Peasant Party populism, totalitarian Ustasha movement, Yugoslav Communism). The author offers possible answers to the questions to what extent did Krišković find the arguments needed to resist these political options in philosophy and whether his case is in any measure relevant for the current issues and controversies.

Crna Gora je Ustavom iz 2007. godine postavila temelje modelu multikulturalizma u odnosu države prema činjenici etnokulturnog pluralizma. Puna integracija svih etničkih i nacionalnih zajednica može biti ostvarena isključivo poštovanjem i priznavanjem njihovih kolektivnih identiteta u političkoj dimenziji, zabranom asimilacije i svih oblika diskriminacije manjinskih nacionalnih zajednica. U demografskom smislu, prema rezultatima posljednjeg popisa stanovništva, radi se o multikulturalnoj državi u kojoj postoji izražen etnokulturni pluralizam. Sa aspekta ostvarenih rezultata u procesu integracije etnonacionalnih manjina u Crnoj Gori, najlošiji rezultati ostvareni su u pogledu integracije romske etničke zajednice. Teškoće u procesu integracije ove zajednice u crnogorsko društvo rezultat su i pravno-institucionalnih nedostataka, posebno u dijelu koji se tiče njene političke participacije. ; The 2007 Constitution of Montenegro has laid down the foundation for the model of multiculturalism which is the basic principle of the states' relation towards the fact of ethnic pluralism within Montenegrin society. Full integration of all ethnic and national communities can be achieved only through recognition and respect of their collective identities in political dimension, prevention of the assimilation and all forms of discrimination of minority national communities. In demographic terms, according to the last census, Montenegro is multicultural state with significant level of ethno cultural pluralism. From the perspective of achieved results in the integration process of minority communities in Montenegro, integration of the members of Roma community was the least successful. The difficulties in the integration process of this community in Montenegrin society are the result of institutional shortcomings, especially in terms of its political participation.

Komparativno oglašavanje pojam je koji se javlja 70 – ih godina 20. stoljeća u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama te se kreće ubrzano razvijati s ciljem povećanja informiranosti potrošača te kako bi nagnalo poduzeća da poboljšaju svoje proizvode i usluge. Implicitno komparativno oglašavanje vrsta je komparativnog oglašavanja koja na indirektan način u svojim oglasima spominje karakteristike ili simbole konkurentskih poduzeća. Od svog nastanka, komparativno oglašavanje često podliježe ispitivanjima je li takav način etičan, odnosno treba li ga i ako da, na koji način regulirati. Sukladno tome, svako tržište ima svoje zakone i direktive u svrhu zaštite potrošača i poduzeća koja su predmet komparativnog oglašavanja. Osim u korporativnom svijetu, komparativno oglašavanje često se koristi u političkim kampanjama, kako bi se istaknule mane i slabosti protukandidata ili stranke, odnosno superiorne karakteristike kandidata koji je sponzorirao oglas. U ovom radu provelo se primarno kvantitativno istraživanje na prigodnom uzorku od 115 ispitanika putem strukturiranog anketnog upitnika distribuiranog putem Interneta. Ispitanicima je u sklopu anketnog upitnika prikazano ukupno 6 političkih oglasa raznih hrvatskih političkih kandidata i/ili stranaka koji su u svojim oglasima koristili implicitno komparativno oglašavanje. Percepcija etičnosti mjerila se putem multidimenzionalne skale prema Reidenbach, Robin i Dawson (1991.) kako bi se dobio uvid u mišljenje i stavove ispitanika. Prema dobivenim rezultatima može se zaključiti kako varijabla percipirane etičnosti birača ima statistički značajan utjecaj na vjerojatnost glasanja za određenog političkog kandidata i/ili stranku na svim prikazanim oglasima, dok varijabla političke opredjeljenosti ima statistički značajan utjecaj na vjerojatnost glasanja za određenog političkog kandidata ili stranku u dva od šest prikazanih oglasa. ; Comparative advertising is a term that first appeared in the 1970s in the United States and is evolving rapidly to develop consumer awareness and encourage ...