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Formerly the diffusion & circulation of ideologies had a kind of spontaneity, not systematic, but sporadic. But today this diffusion takes place by a very conscious process controlled by professional news organs, parties, & special interest groups. At the same time, pol'al ideology cannot be separated from ideologies of a diff type (econ, religious, moral). We are approaching a total ideology which is taking hold on a large scale of all aspects of the life of the individual. Now in spite of their rational foundations, modern ideologies have an emotional determination & are charged with affectivity. They are tending more & more to draw nearer to religions. It is a tragic paradox to see liberalism & democracy, which were founded on the idea of tolerance, assume as absolute & inflexible a character as other monolithic ideologies. Finally, today all ideologies are oriented toward concrete institutions with the result that a pol'al theory which does not have an active pol'al program has lost its raison d'etre. Perhaps this explains the sterility of contemporary pol'al philosophy. Tr from IPSA. Adapted from the source document.

In Soviet ideology of the last few yrs all sci'fic phenomena have been explained according to a certain number of great theories: about the formation of stars, of the earth, about the origin of life, etc, formulated by great scholars of the regime: Schmidt, Oparine, Mitchourine, Pavlov, etc. But the dogmatism with which these ideologies have been imposed has contributed to their discredit & has caused a return to the pre-eminence of the exp. At the same time, it is found that more & more complex & varied results obtained by modern res are less & less easily integrated into the framework of classical Marxism-Leninism, notably in the domain of the natural sci's; the ideology, which has to endure increasing strain to maintain this impossible synthesis, tends to become a purely transcendental abstraction. It is exactly the recognition of this transcendency which gives the West its strength & its ideologic richness: by giving its ideology an orderly & structured form, this transcendentalism can help the Soviet pop to surmount these inherent contradictions. Tr from IPSA. Adapted from the source document.

The elections in England of Oct 8, 1959 were characterized by a Conservative victory, in power for the third straight time, by an increase in Labor votes, & a revival of the Liberal party. These results seem to contradict the commonly held view of a system of alternation between parties subject to public scrutiny. This scrutiny, which lends itself well to the formation of consensus, rests upon the regular & loyal application of constitutional devices; the recognition of the right of the Prime Minister to call an election, a safety valve for the regime, & the regulation of the election campaign. Within this framework, the struggle for power is comparatively mild since it takes place between two pol'al alignments relatively close in their pol'al views. The consensus which gives the gov to one or the other of these pol'al parties is little moved by ideologies & acts on the basis of concrete points. The gov of Macmillan succeeded solely because it managed to keep its promises. This equilibrium is always a fragile one since it rests upon an essentially hedonistic consensus & on a 'primary' soc morality. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

The ideological factor plays a decisive role in the formation & operation of pol'al systems. To study it, we must adopt modern US &, to a large degree French, theories which reject the purely 'Institutional' approach now favored in Germany. In fact, the pol'al ideology inherent in each pol'al system creates of itself compatible institutions, & the functioning of these institutions is determined by the dominating ideology. Before one can speak of ideology, a certain number of conditions must be present (its formulation should be comprehensible to the large mass of people, it should seek to influence this mass rather than an elite, it should be oriented toward the satisfaction of the desires or human needs which the average man experiences as soc values). Just as pol'al theory may involuntarily become ideology, so may a simple defense of a specific material interest also take on ideological characteristics. It is now possible to draw up a catalog of the principal types of pol'al ideologies: absolutism, constitutionalism, individualism (including liberal capitalism, anarchism, & humanism), soc collectivism (including State capitalism as well as 'Welfare State'), nationalism & finally, aristocracy. Under institutions should be classed not only constitutional organs, but `pressure groups' as well. With this as a base, a true ontology of the forms of gov can be undertaken. (Translated by Z. Dana from IPSA).

The US & the USSR, so opposite in appearance, are yet in reality alike on many points. Their phsycial & natural set's are presently at the same level & the notion of a bourgeois sci finds little support. The 2 systems of educ are becoming more alike. The sociol'ts, while they look at problems differently, are nonetheless using a common language. The ethical structures as well as the basis of law are the same. As for the arts, they are more & more divorcing themselves from socialist reality in the USSR while US citizens are reading Soviet authors & seeing Soviet films. As for philosophy, the USSR has not established a monopoly on materialism & still reflects many traces of idealism. Soc & econ institutions in the 2 countries are becoming more & more alike, & their diff's reside in their various forms of soc relations. Finally, on the pol'al level, the USSR is becoming more liberal, while during the last few decades militarism & the ideology of intolerance have appeared in the US. Tr by J. A.Broussard from IPSA.

Pol'al sci group studies make use of a series of terms that are more or less definite & related, but which are nevertheless not synonymous. It is important to discover in what sense they are used by the various sociol'al & pol'al sci Sch's. In so far as they are dealing with a common phenomenon, we may say that the terms, pressure groups, lobbies & pol'al groups refers to the method of action (functional concept); that of interest group refers to the goals; & org or association deals with structure. The increasing importance of the association as the primary focal point of pol'al participation should be noted. (Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

Legitimacy should not be confused with authority, since the latter is a gov based upon law both in terms of the source of its power & the time when it can be exercised. In various pol'al philosophies is difficult to separate & reconcile legitimacy with universal justice, & with the socio-pol'al structure of a given culture. The classification of Max Weber is an important though unsuccessful attempt to resolve this dilemma. Charisma, in particular, cannot be considered a form of legitimacy. Weber's error is that he started with an ambiguous definition of rationality. A possible classification is: legitimacy based upon religion, legitimacy based upon philosophicolegality, traditional legitimacy & legitimacy through success. The true index of legitimacy is always the conviction of the members of the soc body that the power is true & just, even though other values may be opposed. 3 consequences are a result: legitimate power is more efficacious than illegitimate power, legitimacy is the major aspiration of all gov's & citizens are as aware of their responsibilities as they are certain of the legitimacy of their gov' s. Tr by J. A.Broussard from IPSA.

7 chief points touching on the ideological contradictions between Moscow & Peking deserve attention, though some are less important than others. The USSR achieved its revolution by depending on the workers, the Chinese by depending on the peasants. Moscow spoke of a dictatorship, Peking of a hegemony of the proletariat (but some agreement has lessened the contrast). So far as the intellectuals are concerned, Chinese `toleration' exists in words only. By contrast, the Chinese allowed articles to be published since the Hungarian crisis which reproached the USSR for its `chauvinism'; articles whose effectiveness was destroyed by the overt accepting by Peking of Moscow's 'intervention in the internal affairs of Hungary & Poland.' Minor diff's also exist concerning the right to strike. So far as the dialectic is concerned, if China & the USSR are in accord in their distinguishing `antagonistic from non-antagonistic contradictions', it would seem that China maintains, as opposed to the USSR, on one side the persistence of antagonistic contradictions, & on the other side the persistence of contradictions between the governed & the governors in a socialsit nation. Tr. By J. A. Broussard.