Suchergebnisse

The General Elections Commission (KPU) is a state institution that conducts general elections in Indonesia, which includes general election of members of DPR / DPD / DPRD, presidential election of vice president, and general election of Regional Head and Deputy Regional Head. In increasing this participation, it is necessary to encourage the various parties to increase the political participation of the community in the implementation of the General Elections either from the Regional Government, Self or KPU as the Institution that performs the task of conducting the General Elections. This type of research is qualitative with descriptive approach. The sample in this research is the Chairman of KPU and KPU members 1 person, 2 persons pawaslu 2, village apparatus, people and society who have been included in the permanent voter list (DPT) 40 people. In this research, the researcher uses data collecting technique such as: Questionnaire, Interview, and Documentation. The results of this research, According to data sources from the Election Commission of Agam Regency, the number of permanent voters in Agam 2015 Election is 48,325 people. That the number of legislative elections the participation rate of the public as much as 67.24%. Furthermore, the role of the General Elections Commission in increasing the political participation of the people in Agam Regency only put banners on the highway, the results of which found that the implementation of the election must be far from Money politics. In line with the findings discussed above, The Election Commission in Agam Regency has performed its duty as the organizer of the General Election, especially in the Regional Head Election of 2015. This can be seen from the Regional Head Election of 2015 has resulted in one pair of Regional Head and Deputy Head of Region. Problems or obstacles encountered in the implementation of the implementation of elections is a matter of insufficient resources apparatus and budget so that in the implementation of the implementation of elections itself can not be implemented optimally. In the election commission which must be done to overcome the problem of the general election to be completed as soon as possible in a policy to optimize all problems that arise in the field of elections to the electoral commission. The problem of the campaign does not stop at that point alone, the candidates who have spent a lot of money in meeting the needs of their campaigns sociologically assume it is their capital occupied the seat of office which is analogous to the venture capital. As a milestone for the party of democracy party, KPU can use its authority to make regulation (KPU regulation) about the limit of number of candidate's fund to conduct campaign. In the law it is regulated that the financial aspect of the candidate is audited by a public accountant but the way tends to be easily by using funding out of the candidate's fund. This can be seen in ICW's research on the time-making of technical rules related to campaign funds that are very late, In addition to experiencing delays in terms of preparation time, the substance of the arrangements also seem normative. Some of the additions included in this support rule even seem to be absurd and unworkable. Existing rules are deemed not to support the achievement of transparency and accountability of campaign fund.Keywords: Election, Money Politics, KPU

This study aims to describe the level of political participation of female voters in the 2019 general election. This study descriptif the participation of female in general elections. Therefore, to find out the level of political participation of women voters the researchers distributed questionnaires 90 respondents. According to Malihah (2011) Women's Participation is the participation of women as part of the community to play a role in practical political activities as well as in development activities or political implementation in a broad sense.This type of research is descriptive with the location od the study in the Punggasan district of Linggo Sari Baganti. The population in this study amounted to 900 female voters and a sample of 90 respondents the sampling technique uses simple random sampling. Data were collected using a questionnaire instrument and documentatio, data were analyzed using triangulasi.The results of the study at total apathy level 1,1% , 56,76% participated in the voting, 51,65% participated in imformal political discussions of general interest in politics, 37,5% of female voters actively participated in public meetings and demonstrations, 15,56% actively participated in the passive membership of a plitical organization, 14% participated in the actuve membership of a quasi po;itical organization, and 1,1% of female voters become member passive membership of a political organization and there are no active female voters in active membership in apolitical organization, seeking politica; or administrative positions and accupy political or administrative. It can be concluded that the level of political participation of female voters in district Linggo Sari Baganti is 25,11% in the low category. And it is suggested to female voters to be more active in political organizations.Keywords: Level Of Participation, Female Voters, Governor Election

This article aimed to describe the socio-political conditions after the Bongaya Treaty of 1667. This study employed the historical research method (library research). The researcher applied several approaches, namely the historical approach, religious approach, anthropological approach, and sociological approach. The Makassar War is a momentum for change from all aspects, not only changes from the political aspect but also the social, cultural and economic aspects that greatly tormented the people of Gowa. As a King, Sultan Hasanudin was responsible for the fate of the royal people of Gowa, which was getting sad. Sultan Hasanudin had to consider this even though he wanted to continue to fight. Sultan Hasanudin really understood the suffering of the people of the Kingdom of Gowa. Due to these considerations, the war lasted approximately four years, starting from 1666-1669 and ending with the Bungaya Treaty, which consisted of 30 articles. The treaty affected all aspects of Gowa community life, not only in terms of political factors but also the existence of Muslims. Since then, the power and influence of the Netherlands in East Indonesia began to be embedded towards serious colonialism. Sultan Hasanuddin, who dashed to defend his country until the last second has controlled the Kingdom of Gowa for 16 years; namely 1653-1669 and died in Gowa on June 12, 1670.

The aim of this study was to highlight the key finding of corporate political connections research. This study used 61 previous studies related to corporate political connections to develop a structured literature review. It was found that most studies were conducted in developing countries as they provided a unique institutional setting for conduct political connections research. In addition, a political connection is used as independent variables and the previous studies focuses on three related topics, which are corporate performance, corporate action, and loan and special rights. Literature review study become more important nowadays, as the number of empirical quantitative research amount has been increased lately. This analysis also has research and practical implementation for researcher, practitioners, and regulators.

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

Politics, coming back to its original meaning which might be defined as influencing other people and which is involves the making of a common decision for people, then, life is never politics-free. When we are thinking, we are contributing in the political life, how to influence or how to be influenced, how to make a decision in life or how to follow a decision. Politics contain of many dimensions, one might think politics in a negative or positive way depending on which dimensions he stick the politics with. Political party is one of the main institutions in the political life which used in practicing the democracy as the representative system needed by the community. It used as a media to transfer the political messages from the community to the government, as peoples' media to send their aspiration to the people 'above', which existence is influencing the development of the policies of the country depending on its effectiveness. As a Muslim-Largest country, Islam has a very important role in Indonesia's political zone. Though, not everything that has an "Islam" name is able to completely represent Islamic values and so some "non-Islam" might also represent Islamic ethical values. The point of this article is to focus more on how is the relationship between politics and Islam in Indonesia by observing the development of Islamic Political Parties and its phenomena. It will be well observed by the historic-phenomenology approach, which is describing and observing the history of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia and the social facts that happened in the society

The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between political connections and overinvestment in Indonesia as a democratic, multi-party and developing country. This study uses sample of 1,044 and 543 firm-year observations from listed firms on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2012 to 2017. A two-stage model is used to address overinvestment, which used two different measurements, then continued by ordinary least square regression to establish the main analysis result. This study finds that political connection is negatively associated with overinvestment in Indonesia. We also find that this negative association is increasing due to the existence of governance mechanism from both external and internal parties of the firm. Our results indicate that the significant negative associations between political connections with overinvestment, which later is strengthen by governance mechanism might be caused by several differences in institutional setting and/or political connections benefits between the previous research in China and with the place where this research is taken. This paper could give insights in decision-making for stakeholders to anticipate certain harmful issues to the companies that might be occurred by their politically connected top management like directors and commissioners.

This article investigates the relationship between director networks and earnings quality in Malaysia. Using data on 4,416 individual directors who served on the boards of 745 firms listed on Bursa, Malaysia during 2011, we map the entire network of directors and generate measures to reflect the size and quality of information within the network. We find a negative and significant relationship between the overall connectedness of a director's network and the firm's earnings quality. In addition, we find a negative and significant relationship between the political connectedness of the director's network and earnings quality. Our results are robust for different measures of earnings quality.

This paper explains the conspiracy and involvement boss mine (coal) in several provincial elections (regents and governors) in South Kalimantan. As is known, the political landscape of post Soeharto New Order government that gave birth to democracy and radical change in the institutions of power, namely from the centralized power-authoritarian system to a democratic system of government has spawned a democratic transition which was prolonged until today. In the midst of a prolonged transition to democracy at this time, the arena of democracy has been hijacked and the stage of political and economic power has been controlled by entrepreneurs or local and national capitalist power by doing pesekongkolan between candidates authorities or local authorities that one of them through the local election process. The businessmen are involved as a supplier of funds to the local authorities candidate to win as a form of money politics and transactional politics. In some cases the local elections in South Kalimantan, such as the election of the regent and the governor, political practice is utilized with clarity and has already become a political culture that is structured within massive post-New Order government. Therefore, democracy is being woken up in Indonesia after the New Order.

Abstract: The issues related to political dowry are interminable. This interminability is the result of an indication of political dowry every time a general election or local election is held. Based on that background, this article describes the political dowry's detailed problems. In the beginning, the writer describes the definition of political dowry and its differences from political cost, the reasons for the restrictions, and the law enforcement on political dowry. It ended with some efforts to prevent political dowry.It is found that the definition of political dowry is different from political cost. The regulations restrict the practice of political dowry, but not for the political cost. The political dowry is restricted by law because it is against the national law's interest, which is the interest to have qualified and fair general elections and local elections. Heretofore, there is no legal punishment for the practice of political dowry due to the difficulty to prove the practice. There are some efforts to prevent the practice of political dowry: First, giving intensive supervision from The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and its subdivisions; Second, revising the regulations in the Law of the Local elections for nominating the candidates; Third, revising the regulations in the law of political parties for nominating the candidates of the president and local government; Fourth, assigning the time limitation for the political parties to accept the political cost; and Fifth, enhancing the legal awareness of all parties involving in the practice of general elections or local elections.

The development of new media provides convenience in communicating and conveying the message, thus leading directly into a meeting without limited space, time and distance, users can easily participate in social interaction. Political parties take advantage of the development of new media in order to disseminate and political information to the public in order to obtain a good image. The Justice and Prosperous Party or sometime called PKS utilizing twitter as a social media in order to convey the message of political socialization through the official account DPP @PKSejahtera to 159.500 followers. This research is about the relationship of political socialization messages relations in social media twitter with the image of PKS. (Study: Political Socialization PKS through @PKSejahtera account). Purpose of this study is 1) how much the relationship of political socialization messages in social media Twitter with the image of PKS. This research method uses a quantitative approach. These results indicate that there is a relationship between socialization message via twitter to the image. The highest relationship found in the relationship of political socialization message with variable perception in the indicator 's political image.Keywords : Political Socialization Messages, Prosperous Justice Party, Twitter, Image.

Elections (elections) is one way in the democratic system to elect representatives of the people who will sit in the people's representatives and is a form of fulfillment of citizens' rights in politics. It turns out that the political process originally expected to get high participation support, it is still low public participation. The low participation of the community to vote in polling stations (TPS), was not the first phenomenon that occurred in Bungo District. It should support high and quality political participation of the community, but in fact the voter participation rate is only 69.18% who participate in voting in the election of regional head (Pilkada). In accordance with the problems studied, then this type of research is categorized as descriptive research.Given the large number of population and limited ability of the researcher then the research conducted on the sample representing the population. So the sample in this study amounted to 100 people.Data collection techniques in this study were conducted by: Interview, Questionnaire, and Documentation. The results of this research,Many factors caused a person to participate in the elections of Bungo District in 2015. From various forms of political participation, voting or voting is one form of political participation of the community. Factors influencing the political participation of the community in the Pilkada of Bungo Regency in 2015 amongst the Political Awareness of the Community as well as the Attitudes and Beliefs of the people. From the results of the questionnaire analysis there are several factors that influence a person to participate namely First, knowledge of the community environment. The percentage of people who chose to have knowledge of the vision and mission of the chosen candidate, 63 people (63%) stated "yes", while 37 people (37%) stated "no". Having knowledge of selected candidate pairs, 83 people (83%) stated "yes", while 17 people (17%) stated "no". Second, knowledge of politics. Percentage of voters attended political campaign activity, as many as 20 people (20%) stated "yes", while 80 people (80%) stated "no". Third, interest to participate in political activities. The percentage of voters whose interest to be a successful team, as many as 9 people (9%) stated "yes", while 91 people (91%) stated "no". Attitude and belief of a community of Rimbo Tengah Sub-district in Bungo District Election 2015, it is based on the results of research conducted that is concern for the progress of Bungo District with the percentage of community participation that chose because concern for the progress of Bungo Regency as many as 89 people (89%) stated "yes", while 11 people (11%) stated "no". In line with the findings discussed above, from the analysis of respondent's characteristic that factors influencing political participation in Pasir Putih Urban Village are knowledge about society environment, politics, and interest to participate in political activity and attitude and belief of someone to progress of region. For political party activists and political leaders, to provide more information that can be directly to the community through campaigns and deliver the vision and mission to be done if elected, so that people are confident with their choice.The KPU may conduct a good socialization activity so that the voters understand and know the candidate pairs to be elected.Keywords: Factors, political participation, Pilkada.

This study uses bank loan data to examine the effect of (political tie) between the company and the government to on the assessment of companies financial leverage and profitability in the bank lending decisions in Indonesia. The numbers of samples are 1465 observations. This study uses moderated regression analysis (MRA). The study finds that a political tie affect corporate profitability assessment in bank lending decisions. Firms with lower profitability receive larger bank loan because their political tie (rent-seeking hypothesis). However, this study inds that a political tie does not affect the assessment of financial leverage in bank's lending decisions. This finding also supports Faccio (2010), Fisman (2001), and Backman (2001). Indonesia condition which has a weak institutional regulation and high information asymmetry is beneficial for companies that have a political tie. This leads to more trusted political tie as an indicator of the profitability.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship of firms with family ownership and their performance in Indonesia and further examine on how political connections affect this relationship. This study used 933 samples from 413 companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) in the period between 2014 and 2016. Using ordinary least square (OLS) regression, the results shows that firms without family ownership (non-family firms) have better performance than firms with family ownership (family firms) in Indonesia. Furthermore, the findings also show that the performance of family firms significantly improve when the firms are affiliated with political connections. Our findings imply that establishing political connections in family firms will increase the performance of the firms.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship of firms with family ownership and their performance in Indonesia and further examine on how political connections affect this relationship. This study used 933 samples from 413 companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) in the period between 2014 and 2016. Using ordinary least square (OLS) regression, the results shows that firms without family ownership (non-family firms) have better performance than firms with family ownership (family firms) in Indonesia. Furthermore, the findings also show that the performance of family firms significantly improve when the firms are affiliated with political connections. Our findings imply that establishing political connections in family firms will increase the performance of the firms