Suchergebnisse

Pocos son los nombres de mujeres griegas con protagonismo histórico que han llegado hasta nosotros. Junto a los de Safo, Aspasia y pocas más, figura el de Hipatia de Alejandría, quien encarna la defensa de los valores del paganismo tardío. De su vida, su labor al frente de la escuela de filosofía, su influencia política y las circunstancias de su muerte se ha escrito mucho, entretejiendo realidad y leyenda, desde la propia Antigüedad. Gracias a la versión cinematográfica de Alejandro Amenábar (Ágora, 2009), el personaje de Hipatia ha adquirido recientemente especial proyección entre el gran público. En nuestra comunicación, nos proponemos analizar la imagen de Hipatia ofrecida por Amenábar, teniendo en cuenta testimonios en griego antiguo como Sinesio de Cirene o Sócrates Escolástico, entre otros. Asimismo, analizaremos la ambientación histórica de la película, poniéndola en relación con la realidad de la Alejandría del siglo IV-V d.C. ; Few ones are the names of Greek women with historical prominence that they have come up to us. Together with those of Sappho, Aspasia and few ones more, there appears that of Hypatia of Alexandria, who personifies the defense of the values of the late paganism. About his life, her work at the head of the school of philosophy, his political influence and the circumstances of his death has been written very much, interweaving reality and legend, from the own Antiquity. Thanks to Alejandro Amenábar's cinematographic version (Ágora, 2009), the figure of Hypatia has acquired recently special projection among the public. In our communication, we propose to study the Hypatia's image offered by Amenábar, bearing in mind testimonies in ancient Greek as Synesius of Cyrene or Socrates Scholasticus, between others. Likewise, we will analyze the historical setting of the movie, putting it in relation with the reality of the Alexandria of the century IV-V A.D.

La actual crisis económico-financiera en la que se encuentran sumidos muchos países desarrollados, ante todo de la Unión Europea, está muy relacionada con las últimas transformaciones y adaptaciones del sistema capitalista, las nuevas ofensivas neoliberales y la falacia sobre la que se sustenta la construcción europea, que desde sus orígenes ha estado supeditada al capital financiero alemán. Esta crisis económica, financiera y de la deuda está sirviendo para aplicar unos planes de ajuste que recaen sobre las clases sociales más desfavorecidas y empobrecen a los países más vulnerables. Las consecuencias de esta situación crítica pueden ser imprevisibles mientras siga en pie ese megaproyecto capitalista, imperialista, financiero y burgués llamado Unión Europea. El futuro pasa por construir unos Estados Unidos Socialistas de Europa, donde se superen las fronteras nacionales, haya una integración política plena y la propiedad de los medios de producción sea pública. ; The current economic and financial crisis in which many developed countries, first and foremost of the European Union, are mired is closely related to recent transformations and adaptations of the capitalist system, the new neoliberal offensive and the fallacy on which is based the construction of Europe, which since its inception has been subject to the German financial capital. This economic, financial and debt crisis is serving to implement plans setting that they fall on the most disadvantaged social classes and impoverish the most vulnerable countries. The consequences of this critical situation can be unpredictable while still standing that mega financial and bourgeois capitalist, imperialist project called European Union. The future is to build a Socialist United States of Europe, where national borders are exceeded, has a full political integration and ownership of the means of production is public.

Los Ayuntamientos se dirigen a la ciudadanía a través de procesos comunicativos y relacionales para transmitir todo tipo de mensajes sobre la gestión pública; tales procesos se justifican desde la premisa fundamental de que el ciudadano debe estar informado de todas aquellas actuaciones e iniciativas administrativas que pueden incidir en su condición de administrado. La comunicación pública municipal constituye, en este sentido, una poderosa herramienta en manos de los equipos de gobierno que permite explicar, justificar y, en consecuencia, legitimar las decisiones políticas asumidas en cada periodo legislativo. En este trabajo se realiza una revisión de las principales aportaciones y contribuciones académicas sobre la comunicación de proximidad, ya que creemos que la investigación académica sobre los procesos de comunicación pública desarrollados en este ámbito puede contribuir, de forma notable, a aumentar la profesionalización de los gabinetes de comunicación en las administraciones locales. Con esta contribución pretendemos, además, facilitar la labor de otros investigadores en el desarrollo de futuros trabajos y estudios vinculados a la comunicación municipal. ; The city councils are directed to the public through communication and relational processes for all types of messages transmitted over public policy, such processes are justified from the fundamental premise that citizens should be informed of all administrative actions and initiatives that may affect in his capacity as given. The municipality public communication is, in this sense, a powerful tool in the hands of the government staff who can explain, justify and, therefore, legitimize political decisions taken in each legislative period. In this paper we review the main contributions and academic contributions on the local communication because we believe that academic research on public communication processes developed in this area can contribute significantly, to increase the professionalism of communication offices in local government. With this contribution we intend to further facilitate the work of other researchers in the development of future work and studies related to municipality communications.

This article explores the empirical determinants of state fragility in sub-Saharan Africa over the 1992–2007 period. Our dataset includes those sub-Saharan countries for which we have information on the distribution by quintiles of the World Bank Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (CPIA) ratings. We evaluate the potential influence on fragility of a wide range of economic, institutional, and historical variables. Among economic factors, we consider per-capita GDP, both in levels and growth rates, investment, natural resources, and schooling. We also consider economic policy variables such as government expenditures, trade openness, and inflation. Demographic forces are accounted for through the fertility rate, life expectancy, and the youth bulge. Institutional factors are captured by measures of ethnic fractionalization, civil liberties, revolutions, and conflicts, as well as governance indicators. Moreover, we select historical variables that reflect the colonial experience of the region, namely the national identity of the colonizers and the political status during the colonial period. Finally, we account for geographic factors such as latitude, access to sea, and the presence of fragile neighbors. Our central findings is that institutions are the main determinants of fragility: even after controlling for reverse causality and omitted variable bias, the probability for a country to be fragile increases with restrictions of civil liberties and with the number of revolutions. Before controlling for endogeneity, economic factors such as per-capita GDP growth and investment show some explanatory power, but economic prosperity displays a contradictory net impact since growth reduces fragility while investment facilitates it. Moreover, instrumental variables estimates show that per-capita GDP growth is no longer a significant factor. Colonial variables display a marginal residual influence: after controlling for all other factors former colonies are actually associated with a lower probability of being fragile.

Este artículo estudia las dinámicas de acción colectiva de los movimientos indígenas en Bolivia y Ecuador en las dos últimas décadas. Compara sistemáticamente las estructuras de oportunidad política, las estructuras de movilización y los marcos de acción colectiva, para explicar las diferencias en cuanto a intensidad y constancia, ritmos e impactos de la acción colectiva. El movimiento indígena ecuatoriano consiguió una mejor articulación organizativa y un proceso de enmarcado más eficaz, en comparación con la fragmentación de los movimientos bolivianos, que le permitió llevar a cabo acciones coordinadas de gran alcance. Sin embargo, no consiguió reformas de reconocimiento de derechos colectivos en forma temprana porque privilegió un repertorio de protesta que le impidió encontrar aliados entre las élites gobernantes. En contraste, los movimientos bolivianos se caracterizaron por su desarticulación organizativa y discursiva, pero gracias a su repertorio institucional, favorecido por la "democracia pactada", pudieron encontrar aliados para llevar a cabo reformas tempranas. El ciclo de protesta entre 2000 y 2005, por su parte, se explica por un cambio en las oportunidades políticas producto del "derrumbe" del modelo de gobernabilidad de la "democracia pactada". ; This article examines the dynamics of collective action of indigenous movements in Bolivia and Ecuador in the last two decades. Systematically compares the structures of political opportunity, mobilizing structures and frames of collective action to explain the differences in intensity and persistence, pace and impact of collective action. The indigenous Ecuadoran movement obtained a better organizational joint and a process of framed more effective, in comparison with the fragmentation of the Bolivian movements, which allowed him to carry out coordinated actions of great scope. Nevertheless, it did not obtain reforms of recognition of collective rights in early form because it favoured a digest of protest that it prevented him from finding allies between ...

Este trabajo, centrado en el análisis del discurso providencialista en las obras de Bernáldez, Pulgar y Las Casas, pretende ser un aporte al estudio de la evolución del género cronístico, especialmente a la paradigmática relación crónica regia-crónica de indias. Veremos, primero, cómo este discurso determina todas las estrategias narrativas y la elección aparentemente azarosa de la materia narrada. Analizaremos luego en La Crónica de Pulgar cómo este punto de vista historiográfico varía en un episodio –la Inquisición–, variación que se manifiesta como una de las primeras documentaciones de lo que sucederá más adelante con Las Casas. El trabajo nos llevará a probar cómo este discurso resulta efectivo a la hora de justificar y legitimar el devenir histórico, pero a la vez la tendencia comienza a ser ponerlo en jaque cuando hay implicancias [sic] ideológico-políticas. Estamos, tal vez, delante de una conciencia histórica diferente. ; This paper, centered on the analysis of the providentialist discourse in the works of Bernáldez, Pulgar and Las Casas, is just a humble contribution to the study of the evolution of the chronistic genre, especially to the paradigmatic relation between royal chronicles and Indian chronicles. We shall see, firstly, how this discourse determines all the narrative strategies and the apparently random selection of the narrative material. We shall analyze then in Pulgar's Crónica how this historiographical point of view shifts in one episode –the inquisition–, shift that manifests itself as one of the first documentations of what will happen later with Las Casas. This paper will lead us to prove how this discourse is effective to justify and legitimize the course of history, but at the same time the tendency starts to be to put it in check when there are ideological and political implications. We are, may be, in front of a different historical conscience.

The most prominent form of violent conflict in the world today occurs within states rather than between them. Since 1945, over 75 percent of militarized disputes have been civil conflicts. From the African continent to the Balkans, civil wars have raged and self-determination movements have mobilized for collective violence. Conflict over identity has emerged as a central problem for nations and the internal community as nationalist groups battle the state and each other in places like Iraq and Sudan. The comparative decline of conventional interstate war casts a spotlight on the myriad of conflicts involving nonstate actors, be they in conflict with each other or with existing states. We define a nonstate actor as an organized political actor not directly connected to the state but pursing aims that affect vital state interests. The dominant approach to analysis of conflicts involving nonstate actors views them, like interstate conflicts, as the outcome of bargaining between antagonists (Fearon 1995; for review, see Walter 2009). This bargaining framework entails identifying key players -- typically just two -- and specifying their preferences, the limits of their capabilities and resolve, and the information they have about each other. Given such information, analysts derive predictions about when their strategic interaction will result in conflict, as well as the characteristics of that conflict. Most scholars are careful to note that nonstate actors have objectives and capacities that can differ markedly from that of states. After all, the imperatives and possibilities of a collective striving to attain statehood, secede from a state, or seize control of a state are quite different from those of the duly constituted government of a state with a monopoly on violence and internationally recognized sovereignty. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Prior to 1995, when the World Trade Organization (WTO) superseded the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a number of states took advantage of GATT Article XXVI:5(c), which allowed them-as former colonies or component territories of existing GATT members-to quickly and simply join the multilateral trade regime. The speed with which these post-colonial accessions took place, however, varied widely: some states joined immediately upon independence, while others joined much later. Still other post-colonial states passed on this opportunity, only to subsequently begin the longer, more onerous accession process required of other GATT/WTO applicants. Our paper seeks to explain this variation in the timing of post-colonial states' accession to the GATT/WTO. We argue that three key variables explain the timing of accession decisions: 1) a country's trade ties with existing member-states; 2) its existing preferential trade agreement (PTA) commitments; and 3) its domestic political institutions-specifically, the country's level of democracy. Furthermore, we argue that the effects of these variables are conditional upon each other: post-colonial countries with more extensive trade ties to existing member-states were more likely to accede rapidly under Article XXVI:5(c), but only under specific conditions-namely, when they had not already locked in ties with key trading partners through bilateral or regional PTAs, and when they were governed by a more democratic regime. We test this argument empirically using an original dataset of 61 post-colonial states from 1951 to 2004. Our results strongly support this explanation of GATT/WTO accession and help to clarify the pattern of participation in the multilateral trading system that we have observed over the last half-century. Adapted from the source document.