The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.
ReseñaTítulo: The Politics of Political Science: Re-Writing Latin American ExperiencesAutor: Paulo RaveccaAño de publicación: 2019Edición: PrimeraPáginas: 292ISBN: 978 0815363088Editorial: Routledge La Política de la Ciencia Política de Paulo Ravecca ofrece un magnífico análisis sobre varios puntos fundamentales dentro de la institucionalización de la ciencia política y su epistemología. El libro de Ravecca es, en esencia, novedoso tanto en los temas que aborda como en su aproximación metodológica: un análisis comparado que triangula con investigación autoetnográfica, una forma poco convencional en la investigación social.
The internal selection of candidates is one of the most important routines of the political parties; contrary to the international literature, in Colombia, the internal life of these organizations is studied very little. The selection instrument is intimately related with the nature of the party and it will have a direct incidence with the discipline of the party members facing the party's leadership. It is for this reason that the classification set out by the text for the study of the selection processes is determined by the level of concentration of this decision and it is found at the highest level of centralization: when this decision is concentrated in only one person or on a very reduced group of people; and the highest level of decentralization where the party subjects its decision to consultations and allows for the partici pation of all the electoral census citizens. ; La selección interna de candidatos es una de las rutinas más importantes de los partidos políticos. Al contrario de la literatura internacional, en Colombia, la vida interna de estas organizaciones es muy poco estudiada. El instrumento de selección está íntimamente relacionado con la naturaleza del partido y tiene incidencia directa en la disci plina de sus miembros frente a las cúpulas del partido. Es por esto que la clasificación que plantea el texto para el estudio de los procesos de selección está determinada por el nivel de concentración de esta decisión y se encuentra entre el mayor nivel de centralización (cuando esta decisión se concentra en una sola persona o grupo muy reducido de personas) y el mayor nivel de descentralización, donde el partido somete su decisión a consultas y permite la partici pación todos los ciudadanos del censo electoral.
"Venezuela: 4th & 5th republics" (Neira Fernández, Enrique) ; Presentation ; I. Conceptual frame ; Challenges and modernization ; Reforms of the state ; Governance ; Genuineness ; Decentralization ; Democracy ; Leadership ; Militarism ; Democratic caesarism ; Populism ; Violence ; Revolution ; Socialism ; II. The fourth republic (Before Chávez) ; A look back ; The economic thing ; The social thing ; The political thing ; The ethical thing ; III. The fith republic (In the times of Chávez) ; Introduction ; The strong man ; The process. Political ideology ; The process. Characteristics ; The beautiful revolution ; Gusty future ; Conclusion. The quadrature of the circle ; neira@intercable.net.ve ; Nivel analítico
This research analyses the contribution of cyberactivism to the political and social change in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, as well as the opinion of young Arabs on the present context. Meaningful information has been extracted from regular interviews to 30 undergraduates over a five-year period. These students had already participated in the process boosting the Arab Spring in 2011, and they keep practising cyberactivism ever since. The use of a mixed method research allows for carrying out a study where quantitative elements are complemented by qualitative ones. Findings show that Arab countries have not yet shaken off the former structures that supported the regimes preceding 2011, which are those that hamper the consolidation of a modern country. At the moment, there are still two conflicting realities between millenary traditions and values connected to revolutions and symbols of progressivism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In a context where the unity of action action is needed, cyberactivism plays an essential role, as it brings together critical citizens in a common and virtual space. These groups are committed to change, they keep in touch with the outside world and beyond censorship, they make protests visible to the international arena, and monitor government actions.
Rich countries spend about $100 billion a year on poor countries.But details about how this money is spent-and why-is usually unavailable. Even the aggregate figures reported to the public are often of pledges of aid rather than actual amounts spent. Using a detailed data set from Spain, 1999-2003, we explore how at least one rich country has chosen to spend its foreign aid budget, including a closer look at actual projects funded. Moreover, we will attempt to examine the political forces that shaped the allocation of that aid. In particular, we divide political factors into three groups: domestic, regional, and strategic, and find that all three play a role in how much money a poor country receives from donors.
In the Political Discourse Analysis, multiple conceptual elements from different sources come together and are put in interaction with everyday political life. This is done in order to have a deeper and comprehensive understanding of the problems that come with the exercise of power and life in a community. This paper presents an initial analysis of two Colombian everyday political life, base on the theoretical principles. ; En el Análisis Político del Discurso confluyen elementos conceptuales de múltiples procedencias, puestos en diálogo con la vida política cotidiana, en la dirección de alcanzar cotas más altas en la comprensión de las problemáticas del ejercicio del poder y de la vida en comunidad. El presente trabajo inicia un acercamiento a dos casos de la vida colombiana, a la luz de estos presupuestos teóricos.
This paper presents a reflection on the role of media, referring to 2012 Mexico's federal elections. First, we go through the confrontation held between elections administrators and the main broadcast media corporations around the country. That dispute arose from the enacted Federal Institutions and Elections Proceedings (COFIPE by its Spanish acronym), back in 2007. Secondly, we tackle a crucial issue that we consider the focus on several analyses about the 2012 elections; how cyber activism –mainly the #yosoy132 movement– burst into the politics arena, and the way they reached not only the media but the institutions around the nation. From those two frameworks, the final part is a look at the 2012 local electoral process –Chihuahua and Ciudad Juárez–, where repeated historical trend abstention after a process subordinated to the federal match, with traditional media coverage and reduced advertising scarce, little enthusiasm, even in the echo of the #Yosoy132 movement.
ABSTRACT Dawn of March 19, 2003, the coalition forces ended the dictatorial regime that had lingered for more than 30 years, liberating Iraqis and help them make the shift to a democratic system. Nevertheless, religious groups and parties supported by neighboring countries managed to seize power in a very short period. They succeeded in manipulating the electoral system and deform the applied Saint – Lego system in a way that serves their political agenda. RESUMEN Al amanecer del 19 de marzo de 2003, las fuerzas de la coalición acabaron con el régimen dictatorial que había durado más de 30 años, liberando a los iraquíes y ayudándoles a dar el paso al sistema democrático. Sin embargo, grupos y partidos religiosos apoyados por países vecinos lograron tomar el poder en un período muy corto. Lograron manipular el sistema electoral y deformar el sistema Saint-Lego aplicado de una manera que sirva a su agenda política.
Las elecciones americanas se revelan como lo que son -o sea como un auténtico género teatral- cuando abandonamos una concepción estrictamente profesional del teatro y la reemplazamos por la que es capaz de descubrir lo teatral allí donde haya escena, argumento, público, actores, puesta en escena y una autoridad que permite el acontecimiento teatral rigiéndolo desde una distancia que hace posible la autonomía y al límite de la rebeldía de la autoría, la actuación y la expectación. ; SIN FINANCIACIÓN ; No data (2008)
This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).
Research on electoral events in conjunction with social media provides opportunities to describe an interesting phenomenon that can be analyzed using sentiment analysis techniques. The goal of the study is to analyze the support of political parties during electoral periods from Twitter comments, including 250 000 tweets regarding the Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016, respectively. Text mining and natural language processing techniques enable information analysis, and the methodology emphasizes good practices for large-scale data collection retrieved from Twitter through a quantitative analysis of text collection written in the Spanish language. After information extraction obtained in three Spanish regions defined by geolocation, as well as feature selection based on keywords of the main four political parties, we conducted an in-depth examination of Twitter users' support during the course of the election. By weighting the tendency of tweets, we were able to obtain a proposed indicator of support: the positiveness ratio (PR). The results suggest that PR is a feasible barometer to demonstrate the measurable patterns of support tendency regarding political parties and users' behavioral activity to track their affinity on Twitter. The findings indicate consistent support behavior by users toward traditional parties and optimistic users' behavior regarding emerging political parties.
This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).
Research on electoral events in conjunction with social media provides opportunities to describe an interesting phenomenon that can be analyzed using sentiment analysis techniques. The goal of the study is to analyze the support of political parties during electoral periods from Twitter comments including 250,000 tweets regarding the Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016. Text mining and natural language processing techniques enable information analysis, and the methodology emphasizes good practices for large-scale data collection retrieved from Twitter through a quantitative analysis of text collection written in the Spanish language. After information extraction obtained in three Spanish regions, defined by geolocation, as well as feature selection based on keywords of the main four political parties, we conducted an in-depth examination of Twitter users´ support during the course of the election. By weighting the tendency of tweets, we were able to obtain a proposed indicator of support: the positiveness ratio (PR). The results suggest that the PR is a feasible barometer to demonstrate measurable patterns of support tendency regarding political parties and the users' behavioral activity to track their affinity on Twitter. Findings indicate a consistent support behavior by users towards traditional parties and an optimistic users' behavior regarding the emerging political parties. ; OBS: Tweets were collected through Twitter Scraper: https://github.com/taspinar/twitterscraper/
