The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong's presumption that Nietzsche's political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche's thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche's thought. The article comes to the conclusion that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche's political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in.
The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong's presumption that Nietzsche's political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche's thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche's thought. The article comes to the conclusion that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche's political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in.
The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong's presumption that Nietzsche's political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche's thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche's thought. The article comes to the conclusion that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche's political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in.
The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong's presumption that Nietzsche's political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche's thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche's thought. The article comes to the conclusion that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche's political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in.
The article, seeking an answer to the question of the role of political parties in the life of each modern democratic state and society, focuses on one of the key issues of the existence of each political party - their funding. Having established that state support in trying to protect these political entities from the potential influence of external individual donors, based on the experience of foreign countries it is necessary to provide insights into the possible models of such financing, their advantages and disadvantages. The article also reviews recent attempts to change the funding model of political parties in the Republic of Lithuania and the reasons for such attempts, and presents arguments that justify the possible influence of such inspirations on political processes in the country.
The article, seeking an answer to the question of the role of political parties in the life of each modern democratic state and society, focuses on one of the key issues of the existence of each political party - their funding. Having established that state support in trying to protect these political entities from the potential influence of external individual donors, based on the experience of foreign countries it is necessary to provide insights into the possible models of such financing, their advantages and disadvantages. The article also reviews recent attempts to change the funding model of political parties in the Republic of Lithuania and the reasons for such attempts, and presents arguments that justify the possible influence of such inspirations on political processes in the country.
Engaging in civil society activities in Belarus is a challenge, thats why some organisations and activists move between two countries in order to continue their civic activities. In this thesis, we describe such people as "Belarusian political nomads". The central motivation for this dissertation is to extend understanding about Belarusian political migration and nomadism, and to critically enquire into the nomadic motives and strategies chosen by NGO activists from Belarus, and into the conditions that enable and support these strategies. The thesis describes the migratory and nomadic experiences of Belarusian political nomads, and explains how the transnational subjectivities of Belarusian political nomads are formed. Overall, 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted. The data collected was analysed using post-structural concepts and elements from the narrative research. We concluded that in Belarus regime acts towards Belarusian political nomads as a preventer and discourager. Political nomads interpret their migration experiences by incorporating elements from different spheres of life and the identities that are offered to them. Belarusian political nomads often considered the same events as turning points, however the ways in which they impact each political nomad individually, are complex and diverse.
Engaging in civil society activities in Belarus is a challenge, thats why some organisations and activists move between two countries in order to continue their civic activities. In this thesis, we describe such people as "Belarusian political nomads". The central motivation for this dissertation is to extend understanding about Belarusian political migration and nomadism, and to critically enquire into the nomadic motives and strategies chosen by NGO activists from Belarus, and into the conditions that enable and support these strategies. The thesis describes the migratory and nomadic experiences of Belarusian political nomads, and explains how the transnational subjectivities of Belarusian political nomads are formed. Overall, 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted. The data collected was analysed using post-structural concepts and elements from the narrative research. We concluded that in Belarus regime acts towards Belarusian political nomads as a preventer and discourager. Political nomads interpret their migration experiences by incorporating elements from different spheres of life and the identities that are offered to them. Belarusian political nomads often considered the same events as turning points, however the ways in which they impact each political nomad individually, are complex and diverse.
Engaging in civil society activities in Belarus is a challenge, thats why some organisations and activists move between two countries in order to continue their civic activities. In this thesis, we describe such people as "Belarusian political nomads". The central motivation for this dissertation is to extend understanding about Belarusian political migration and nomadism, and to critically enquire into the nomadic motives and strategies chosen by NGO activists from Belarus, and into the conditions that enable and support these strategies. The thesis describes the migratory and nomadic experiences of Belarusian political nomads, and explains how the transnational subjectivities of Belarusian political nomads are formed. Overall, 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted. The data collected was analysed using post-structural concepts and elements from the narrative research. We concluded that in Belarus regime acts towards Belarusian political nomads as a preventer and discourager. Political nomads interpret their migration experiences by incorporating elements from different spheres of life and the identities that are offered to them. Belarusian political nomads often considered the same events as turning points, however the ways in which they impact each political nomad individually, are complex and diverse.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the factors influencing the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties. The factors are divided into three sets of variables: leaders, political parties and the political system. Variables of the party leader analyse the openness and competitiveness of the election of party leaders, formal and informal powers and roles of party leaders, public speaking on behalf of the party and electoral results. Variables of the political party reveal the age and origins of the party, party organizational models, i.e., whether the party passed through a model of mass party organization, ideological radicalism of political party and the nature of the relationship between parties and their voters. Variables of the political system are discussed through the change of the society and its values on individualism – collectivism axis, the structure of government, the electoral system and the institutionalization of the party system. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with party leaders and other parties' members involved in party decision-making in Labour party, Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, Liberal Movement of Lithuania's Republic, Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats and Party Order and Justice. The qualitative comparative analysis examines the determinants of personalization of political leadership. The empirical research revealed that the main factors determining the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties are non-competitive election of the party leader, a monocratic decision making within the party and the age of the party.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the factors influencing the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties. The factors are divided into three sets of variables: leaders, political parties and the political system. Variables of the party leader analyse the openness and competitiveness of the election of party leaders, formal and informal powers and roles of party leaders, public speaking on behalf of the party and electoral results. Variables of the political party reveal the age and origins of the party, party organizational models, i.e., whether the party passed through a model of mass party organization, ideological radicalism of political party and the nature of the relationship between parties and their voters. Variables of the political system are discussed through the change of the society and its values on individualism – collectivism axis, the structure of government, the electoral system and the institutionalization of the party system. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with party leaders and other parties' members involved in party decision-making in Labour party, Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, Liberal Movement of Lithuania's Republic, Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats and Party Order and Justice. The qualitative comparative analysis examines the determinants of personalization of political leadership. The empirical research revealed that the main factors determining the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties are non-competitive election of the party leader, a monocratic decision making within the party and the age of the party.
