Suchergebnisse

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Nassia Yakovaki, The «Traité des trois imposteurs)) and the European Enlightenment The aim of this article is to present the obscure but fascinating story of the production and diffusion of the Traité des trois imposteurs, the best seller of the clandestine literature in Europe during the first half of the 18th century and to discuss the new and to some extent controversial interpretations that the study of this text has provoked as far as the understanding of the European Enlightenment is concerned. The importance of this text derives, first of all, from its subversive ideas: it offers a bold and straightforward attack on all three monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) by rejecting the principle of revelation and by pronouncing their founders as «impostors», while attributing the appearance of organized religions to political interests. Yet, the significance of this text goes beyond its content: the conditions of its production as well as of its circulation offer to modern historical research the chance to explore an «underground universe», peopled by relatively unknown figures, working among the middlemen of the publishing world. These circles —as it seems— had the readiness to respond creatively to a turbulent religious and political environment, to adopt rigid philosophical stands and to step into radical politics. Historical research has recently succeeded in investigating the complicated issues of the origin, dating, authorship and circulation of this notorious text and in disentangling the thread connecting this late 17th century production with the medieval legend of the «imposture». Crucial among these findings is on the one hand the bond that links the Traité with the works of Spinoza and on the other the connection between the production of the text and a group of people in late 17th and early 18th century Holland. The interesting questions concerning the general understanding of the era of «the crisis of the European consciousness» that the historical scholarship about the Traité has raised have already led to the formation of a new, stimulating, yet controversial historiographical trend which elaborates a new interpretation of the Enlightenment, around the idea of an early and radical Enlightenment (Margaret Jacob, 1981 and 2003, Jonathan Israel, 2001).

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; This paper discusses the politics of historical interpretation as manifested in E. P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class. The discussion addresses two main areas of interest:a. The structure of the conceptual framework that organises historical narration and grounds historical analysis and interpretation. It is argued that this framework is based on his insistence on the privileged character of historiography as a field of knowledge and as a critical perspective for social and political perspective on the one hand. The conceptual framework also consists of Thompson's conviction that in the process of class formation experience is the sine qua non historical catalyst that intervenes between the social being (modes of production) and class consciousness. These analytical inclinations are explored with reference to Thompson's engagement with the discussion over marxist reductionism on the one hand, and althusserian structuralism on the other.b. Finally, an attempt is made to trace the particularities of the historical context within which Thompson's perspective was shaped, as well as the influence that his work has had on the orientations of social studies during the period of the 1970s and 1980s.

Introduction / Koenraad Verboven, Olivier Hekster -- Culture politique imperiale et pratique de la justice : regards croises sur la figure du prince "injuste" / Stephane Benoist, Anne Gangloff -- The decreta and imperiales sententiae of Julius Paulus : law and justice in the judicial decisions of Septimius Severus / Elsemieke Daalder -- The value of the stability of the law : a perspective on the role of the emperor in political crises / Francesco Bono -- Legal education, realpolitik, and the propagation of the emperor's justice / Matthijs Wibier -- Koinoi nomoi : Hadrian and the harmonization of local laws / Juan Manuel Cortes-Copete -- Justice, res publica and empire : subsidiarity and hierarchy in the Roman empire / Frederic Hurlet -- Substantive justice in provincial and Roman legal argument / Clifford Ando -- Zwischen Theorie und Wirklichkeit : Romische Sicherheitsgesetze und ihre Realisierung / Peter Herz -- Geschlechterrollen im romischen Erbrecht im Spiegel des zeitgenossischen Gerechtigkeitsverstandnisses und am Beispiel der lex Voconia / Elena Kostner -- La femme : objet et sujet de la justice romaine / Pilar Pavon Torrejon -- The spectacle of justice in the Roman Empire / Margherita Carucci.

Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious WarsSubject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority. ; Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious WarsSubject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The declaration of the establishment of the «Kingdom of Serbs, Groats and Slovenes» on the 1st of December, 1918 —which in 1929 was renamed to Yugoslavia— fulfilled the long standing desire for the political unification of all South-Slavs. However, the new State which apart from the three old kingdoms of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia included the entities of the former Hungarian Vojvodina, the former Austrian Slovenia and Dalmatia and the Serbian Macedonia had to tackle certain problems. Its subjects were divided into several ethnic groups: Serbs, Croats and Slovenes —who constituted three quarters of its entire population— and Germans, Hungarians and Albanians as well as other ethnic minorities. The population of the new state was also divided into three religious categories: 47% were Orthodox Christians, 39% Catholics, and 11% Muslims. This paper attempts to analyze five constructive crises which came about in interwar Yugoslavia, and are characteristic of any modern state: 1) The crisis of identity of the state itself and of the various ethnic groups. The ideology of Yugoslavian unification failed to bridge the differences between the ethnic and religious groups; 2) The crisis of legitimacy. This is related with the nature of the regime. From 1918 until the dictatorship of 1929 twenty three governmental crises occured; 3) The crisis of integration, as reflected in the policies and the electoral results of the various political parties which had clear ethnic and geographical limits. During the interwar period none of the existing political parties attained to play this integrating role by securing mass support throughout the country; 4) The crisis of participation of individuals and social groups in controlling the public affairs and manning the state apparatus; 5) The crisis of distribution of goods and services. The ethnic and political contradictions between the Slovenes and Croats in the North and Serbs in the South resulted in the uneven development between these two geographical districts of the state.

Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th Century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in Late Antiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. I.: lntroduction with the history of research and the manuscript tradition, Frontispice, Dedicatio, Imagines imperatorum, Natales Caesarum, the week of the planets, the months.

Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in LateAntiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. 2: Fasti Consulares, Praefecti urbis Romae 254 - 354 A.D., Cpomputus Paschalis, Depositio martyrum, Depositio Episcoporum, Catalogus Liberianus

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of cultural propaganda in formulating and conducting foreign policy aiming at political supremacy and cultural penetration within the overall context of the ideological conflict between East and West during the Cold War era. Educational and cultural exchanges and other events of a nominali}'' nonpolitical nature are examined within their political context. In particular, the paper observes Anglo-Soviet relations over Greece. These relations turned increasingly hostile in mid-February 1945. Around that time a marked intensification of Soviet propaganda occurred. In July 1945, the Greek-Soviet League was established. It is interesting that, in response, the British Foreign Office concidered that the British Council in Athens should be reinforced and acquire a permanent representative. It was also decided to reopen the question of the Anglo-Greek Cultural Convention that was signed in 1940 but never ratified. This presentation seeks to examine the purpose of establishing these two cultural agencies, their staffing, the funding of their activities, the content of their cultural programmes, and the profile of their Greek supporters, both state officials and private individuals. How successful was the effort by the British Council and the Greek-Soviet League to promote their cultural programmes and what was the impact of these programmes on Greek public opinion? How did their cultural initiatives continue during the Greek Civil War? On the basis of the sources available, did each agency, and if so to what degree, enjoy the support of the country it represented? The comparative study of British and Soviet cultural propaganda in Greece will contribute to understanding the differences and similarities in the means used by each country to achieve its political ends in Greece.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Christos Loukos, The political and ideological conflicts in post-war Syros and the Hermoupolis' mayor Epaminondas Pappadam We observe, in the micro scale of Syros, the defeat of expectations held by many Greeks that after the liberation a democratic society, just to all citizens, would arise and that the new government would punish the collaborators of Italian and German conquerors and all those who became rich by exploiting the misery of the people through the black market. This article examines the short tenure of the first post-war mayor of Hermoupolis, Epaminondas Pappadam, and how his overthrow was pursued because he insisted in his democratic and antiroyalist convictions. The overthrow was prepared by individuals and groups of people who had served the Metaxas' dictatorial regime, and more than others were exposed to the accusation of collaborating with the enemy and they looked forward to the return of King George II as the only stable guarantee for maintaining their leadership role. Their aims were facilitated by the tragic events of December 1944 in Athens. Backed by the presence of several Sacred Battalion's officers, British officers and other military forces at Syros, they succeeded, not only to marginalize the EAM's small military force in the island and their supporters, but also to prohibit with offensive behavior every act which was not compatible with their aims. Under those circumstances, Pappadam should have overthrown. He was not a communist, not an EAM's supporter either, but he insisted to be against the king's return and supported the necessity of a conciliatory solution for the social and political contrasts. Besides, his overthrow would function, in a symbolic level, as a warning for forcing into obedience those, less powerful than the mayor, who resisted to the forthcoming settlement of the Greek constitutional and political issue.

Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek RevolutionThis paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses. ; Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek RevolutionThis paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses.

Published in print by Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, ISBN 978-3-7983-2906-5 ; Thanks to its vitality, the art scene in Athens, faced with the economic and political crisis, is met with an increased attention by media and specialist publishers. The Catalogue and the accompanying exhibition in Berlin and Athens – running parallel to documenta 2017 in Kassel and Athens – pose crucial questions regarding the relation of economic crisis, art production and new forms of political art. A social research undertaken in 2016, interviewed and photographed Greek and international artists working in Athens in various art forms, ranging from street art, painting, sculpture and installations to photographic art. The seriousness and passion, with which the artists follow their visions under adverse life conditions, is impressive. The biographical photographic portraits of 14 artists reflect their artistic and political positions, and are in dialogue with the presented works, which results in a vivid insight into the relation of art, biography, and political crisis. The accompanying essays discuss the sociological and aesthetic conception of the "artists' exhibition", the social impact of the economic crisis in Greece, contemporary art and crisis, the importance of street art in Athens, and the art scene in the crisis. The appendix gives a description of ATLAS.ti, a software developed at Technische Universität Berlin, and its use by professionals in the field of culture. ; Die Athener Kunstszene erfährt durch ihre Lebendigkeit angesichts der ökonomischen und politischen Krise Griechenlands gegenwärtig in Medien und Fachpresse eine gesteigerte Aufmerksamkeit. Der Katalog und das begleitende Ausstellungsprojekt in Berlin und Athen stellen - begleitend zur documenta 2017 in Athen und Kassel - aktuelle Fragen zum Zusammenhang zwischen ökonomischer Krise, künstlerischer Produktion und neuen Formen politischer Kunst in Griechenland. In einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Recherche im Jahr 2016 wurden in Athen tätige Künstlerinnen und Künstler interviewt und fotografiert, von der Street Art über Malerei, Bildhauerei, Installationen bis zur Fotokunst. Beeindruckend ist die Ernsthaftigkeit und Leidenschaft, mit der die Kunstschaffenden, zum Teil unter großen Entbehrungen, ihre Visionen verfolgen. 14 biografisch-fotografische Künstlerporträts reflektieren die jeweilige künstlerisch-politische Position und treten in einen Dialog mit den ausgestellten Werken, so dass sich ein lebendiger Einblick in das Verhältnis von Kunst, Biografie und politischer Krise ergibt. In den begleitenden Essays werden die sozialwissenschaftlich-ästhetische Konzeption der "Künstler-Ausstellung", die sozialen Folgen der Krise in Griechenland, die griechische Gegenwartskunst und die besondere Bedeutung der Street Art in Athen diskutiert. Im Anhang wird ATLAS.ti, eine an der TU Berlin entwickelte Software, in ihrer Bedeutung für Kulturschaffende vorgestellt. ; Χάρις στη ζωτικότητά της, η καλλιτεχνική σκηνή στην Αθήνα, εν καιρώ οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης, κινεί το ενδιαφέρον τόσο των ΜΜΕ όσο και των εκδοτών του είδους. Ο Κατάλογος μαζί με την συνοδευτική έκθεση σε Αθήνα και Βερολίνο -η οποία θα γίνει παράλληλα με την έκθεση "documenta 2017", που θα παρουσιαστεί στο Κάσσελ της Γερμανίας και στην Αθήνα- εγείρουν κρίσιμα ερωτήματα γύρω από τη σχέση οικονομικής κρίσης, καλλιτεχνικής παραγωγής και νέων μορφών πολιτικής τέχνης. Μια κοινωνιολογική έρευνα, που πραγματοποιήθηκε το 2016, φωτογράφησε και πήρε συνεντεύξεις από διάφορους καλλιτέχνες, Έλληνες και μη, που δουλεύουν στην Αθήνα με ποικίλες μορφές τέχνης, από street art, εικαστικά, γλυπτική και εγκαταστάσεις μέχρι και φωτογραφία. Η σοβαρότητα και το πάθος με τα οποία οι καλλιτέχνες ακολουθούν το όραμά τους υπό αντίξοες συνθήκες, προκαλεί αίσθηση. Τα φωτογραφικά πορτρέτα των 14 καλλιτεχνών αντανακλούν τις καλλιτεχνικές και πολιτικές αντιλήψεις τους, ενώ ταυτόχρονα συνδιαλέγονται με τα παρουσιαζόμενα έργα, προσφέροντας έτσι μια διεισδυτική ματιά στη σχέση τέχνης, βιογραφίας και πολιτική κρίσης. Τα συνοδευτικά άρθρα, πραγματεύονται την κοινωνιολογική και αισθητική σύλληψη της "έκθεσης των καλλιτεχνών", τις κοινωνικές επιδράσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα, τη σχέση σύγχρονης τέχνης και κρίσης, τη σημασία της τέχνης του δρόμου στην Αθήνα και την καλλιτεχνική σκηνή εν καιρώ κρίσης. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζεται το λογισμικό "ATLAS.ti", που δημιουργήθηκε στο Technische Universität του Βερολίνου, καθώς και η χρήση του από επαγγελματίες στον χώρο του πολιτισμού.

Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof. ; Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof.