Suchergebnisse

artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 7, Nr 1 (2021), s. 101-118 ; streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 7, Nr 1 (2021), s. 101-118 ; streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie działalności Polskiego Towarzystwa Nauk Politycznych z zaznaczeniem ukierunkowania na sprawy internacjonalizacji. Od początku swojej działalności PTNP współpracowało z IPSA. W Polsce powstało wiele cennych publikacji przestawiających historię i stan obecny politologii w Polsce. Szczególnie ważnym dla polskiej politologii wydarzeniem była organizacja światowego kongresu politologii w lipcu 2016 r. Ważne miejsce zajmują także polskie czasopisma naukowe, które w ostatnich latach podlegają silnej internacjonalizacji. Przed PTNP stoi wiele wyzwań i możliwości podejmowania kolejnych działań, które sprzyjają dalszemu rozwojowi i promocji nauki w kraju i zagranicą. ; The aim of the article is to present the activities of the Polish Political Science Association, underlining the issues of internationalization. Since the beginning the organization, PPSA has been cooperating with IPSA. Many valuable publications regarding history and contemporary situation of Political Science have been published in Poland. Particularly important for Polish political science was the organization of the World Congress of Political Science in July 2016. The Polish scientific journals, that have been strongly internalized in recent years, take an important place nowadays. Polish Political Science Association has to face many challenges and take new possibilities in further activities that encourage further development and promotion. ; Publikacja sfinansowana przez Wydział Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politologicznych UŁ.

Events of August'91 as an expression of political disobidience in the process of shaping civil conduct, "Kultura i edukacja. Culture and Education" 2016, nr 4 (114), pp. 125-139 , 2016 Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August '91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost-transparency of sociopolitical life-the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through pas sive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of sociopolitical socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union.

Ukraine has played an extremely important role in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries over the years, mainly due to its position as a transit state. Past energy crises (2006, 2009) have affected the perception of the country in Europe and led to Russian-German energy projects that reduce the level of regional security (e.g., Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2). In Poland, various political parties (Law and Justice, Civic Platform, the Left Party, Polish People's Party) have referred differently to regional cooperation and the function Ukraine might offer in this type of process. In this context, the aim of the article was to analyse the political thought of selected Polish parliamentary parties regarding the importance of Ukraine in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries during Russia's armed attack on Ukraine in 2022. The starting point of the analyses was the general thesis that political parties in Poland treated Ukraine as a key state in efforts to limit the negatively perceived energy policy of the Russian Federation in the region.

Jednym z fundamentalnych przedmiotów badań nauki o polityce pozostaje niezmiennie język polityki (w swoich licznych odmianach i formach). Analiza naukowa tego przedmiotu badań przysparza jednak politologii nadal szereg problemów, wynikających z nieprzystawalności metod językoznawstwa do funkcji i zadań współczesnej nauki o polityce. Pojawia się więc potrzeba wypracowania politologicznej metody analizy tekstu, która to metoda pozwoliłaby – za pomocą języka – odkryć i wyeksponować założenia kształtujące orientacje i postawy podmiotów politycznych, czyli treści tworzące ogólną przestrzeń polityczną. Propozycją odpowiedzi na to zapotrzebowanie jest prezentowana w artykule metoda, wyróżniająca trzy podstawowe poziomy analizy: konwencjonalną warstwę tekstu, opisową oraz presupozycjalną. Na przykładzie analizy inauguracyjnych orędzi polskich prezydentów, ukazano specyfikę poszczególnych wymiarów: determinant sytuacyjny (na pierwszym poziomie), kreację treści korzystnych wizerunkowo (na poziomie deskryptywnym), wreszcie – najistotniejszy dla politologa – mechanizm odkrywania założeń ukrytych na poziomie presupozycjalnym. ; The language of politics (in its numerous variations and forms) continues to be one of the fundamental objects of political science research. The academic analysis of this object of research, however, continues to generate considerable difficulties for political science as a result of the incompatibility of language studies methodology with the function and tasks of modern political science. Therefore, there emerges a need to develop a method of text analysis for political science that will allow us to use language to discover and present the assumptions that shape the attitudes and ideologies of political entities, or in other words – the content of general political environment. This paper responds to this need by presenting a method that distinguishes three basic levels of analysis: a conventional layer of text, a descriptive one and a presuppositional one. Analyzing the inaugural addresses given by Polish presidents the specificity of their individual dimensions is presented: the situational determinant (level one), the creation of content to boost image (on a descriptive level), and – most importantly to the political scientist – a mechanism revealing the assumptions concealed at the presuppositional level.

The objective of scientific forecasting is to present the most probable course of an analyzed phenomenon, taking into account the direction and dynamics of its development. In the course of making forecasts one endeavors to determine the conditions providing for the evolution of this phenomenon. Twenty-something years of an independent Ukraine is decidedly too short a period to facilitate responsible hypothesizing on the development of internal and external situation of this country, but some suppositions are justified. On account of the limitations of this paper the author analyzes only selected events from the recent history of Ukraine. The analysis does not answer the question of whether the recurring crises in Ukraine result primarily from phenomena that cyclically occur in a democracy (i.e. elections), and are simply inherent in it or not. Alternatively, when the chronic nature of a crisis (not: crises) is assumed, it may be concluded that as Ukraine emerges 'unscathed' from each stage of the crisis it evolves towards a new, more advanced phase, in consistence with Kondratiev's theories of economic and political cycles. ; The objective of scientific forecasting is to present the most probable course of an analyzed phenomenon, taking into account the direction and dynamics of its development. In the course of making forecasts one endeavors to determine the conditions providing for the evolution of this phenomenon. Twenty-something years of an independent Ukraine is decidedly too short a period to facilitate responsible hypothesizing on the development of internal and external situation of this country, but some suppositions are justified. On account of the limitations of this paper the author analyzes only selected events from the recent history of Ukraine. The analysis does not answer the question of whether the recurring crises in Ukraine result primarily from phenomena that cyclically occur in a democracy (i.e. elections), and are simply inherent in it or not. Alternatively, when the chronic nature of a crisis (not: crises) is assumed, it may be concluded that as Ukraine emerges 'unscathed' from each stage of the crisis it evolves towards a new, more advanced phase, in consistence with Kondratiev's theories of economic and political cycles.