Suchergebnisse

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

ReseñaTítulo: The Politics of Political Science: Re-Writing Latin American ExperiencesAutor: Paulo RaveccaAño de publicación: 2019Edición: PrimeraPáginas: 292ISBN: 978 0815363088Editorial: Routledge La Política de la Ciencia Política de Paulo Ravecca ofrece un magnífico análisis sobre varios puntos fundamentales dentro de la institucionalización de la ciencia política y su epistemología. El libro de Ravecca es, en esencia, novedoso tanto en los temas que aborda como en su aproximación metodológica: un análisis comparado que triangula con investigación autoetnográfica, una forma poco convencional en la investigación social.

Frontmatter --Índice --Introducción --El debate parlamentario --"Lo que ocurre en la calle" en el discurso de los legisladores --La memoria de la crisis de 2001-2002 --La dimensión emocional --Las formaciones discursivas --Conclusión --Bibliografía --AUTORA

The internal selection of candidates is one of the most important routines of the political parties; contrary to the international literature, in Colombia, the internal life of these organizations is studied very little. The selection instrument is intimately related with the nature of the party and it will have a direct incidence with the discipline of the party members facing the party's leadership. It is for this reason that the classification set out by the text for the study of the selection processes is determined by the level of concentration of this decision and it is found at the highest level of centralization: when this decision is concentrated in only one person or on a very reduced group of people; and the highest level of decentralization where the party subjects its decision to consultations and allows for the partici pation of all the electoral census citizens. ; La selección interna de candidatos es una de las rutinas más importantes de los partidos políticos. Al contrario de la literatura internacional, en Colombia, la vida interna de estas organizaciones es muy poco estudiada. El instrumento de selección está íntimamente relacionado con la naturaleza del partido y tiene incidencia directa en la disci plina de sus miembros frente a las cúpulas del partido. Es por esto que la clasificación que plantea el texto para el estudio de los procesos de selección está determinada por el nivel de concentración de esta decisión y se encuentra entre el mayor nivel de centralización (cuando esta decisión se concentra en una sola persona o grupo muy reducido de personas) y el mayor nivel de descentralización, donde el partido somete su decisión a consultas y permite la partici pación todos los ciudadanos del censo electoral.

"Venezuela: 4th & 5th republics" (Neira Fernández, Enrique) ; Presentation ; I. Conceptual frame ; Challenges and modernization ; Reforms of the state ; Governance ; Genuineness ; Decentralization ; Democracy ; Leadership ; Militarism ; Democratic caesarism ; Populism ; Violence ; Revolution ; Socialism ; II. The fourth republic (Before Chávez) ; A look back ; The economic thing ; The social thing ; The political thing ; The ethical thing ; III. The fith republic (In the times of Chávez) ; Introduction ; The strong man ; The process. Political ideology ; The process. Characteristics ; The beautiful revolution ; Gusty future ; Conclusion. The quadrature of the circle ; neira@intercable.net.ve ; Nivel analítico

The objective of the research was to discuss the conflictive nature of the migratory processes that occur in the world today. The need to adapt and solve daily problems inevitably requires the State to implement international, state and regional standards for the implementation of the rights and opportunities of migrants both in the territory of the donor country and in the territory of the recipient country. On the other hand, we see an increase in the phobia of migrants and the characteristic racism of countries where labor migration flows are increasing. In methodological terms, use was made of hermeneutics close to political ethnography. It is concluded that, for a long time, the criticism of racism has developed as a criticism of colonialism, Nazism, including anti-Semitism, and in modern times as a political criticism of migration-phobia and nationalism, in which the Racist speech and practices have found and do find obvious and complete expression. Migrant phobia is a concept that latently generates motives of political, ideological, racial, national, religious hatred, xenophobia, or hostility towards an ethnic or social group within the framework of social practices.

El presente artículo discute y reivindica el papel del cine como objeto de estudio dentro de la Ciencia Política. Se describe el estatus científico de la Ciencia Política contemporánea y el desdén por el estudio del cine dentro de la corriente principal de la Comunicación Política. Además, se introducen los aportes de la Teoría del Discurso de la Escuela de Essex para el análisis político y su marco conceptual central. Finalmente, los autores proponen una estrategia analítica o procedimiento para el análisis político del cine basado en dicha teoría y ofrecen una reflexión sobre sus aspectos epistemológicos.

The relevance of the research comes from the extent of the influence of information and communication technologies in socially significant areas, where the manipulation of public consciousness, in the Internet space, particularly in social networks, is an obvious phenomenon. The aim of the study was to discuss the opinion that the main driving factor in the use of social networks, as a proven platform for the manipulation of public consciousness, has been increased by social restrictions on personal contacts caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. General and special research methods were employed to achieve the stated objective. It is concluded that, despite the obvious advantages of the use of social networks in the political process, the political manipulations that currently exist in the virtual environment are often of a destructive nature and carry hidden symbolic threats to destabilize the life of a given country, as well as to worsen the quality of life of each of its citizens. Most of the time, political manipulations in the virtual environment take place at various stages of the electoral process.

Las transformaciones de las subjetividades políticas juveniles, en el caso de estudio realizado en la ciudad de Medellín (Colombia), fueron posibilitadas por la construcción colectiva de un espacio de "encuentro" con el otro que se caracterizó por su enfoque participativo, por la promoción del reconocimiento de la diversidad política y por el desarrollo de prácticas de reflexividad y memoria, todas, atravesadas por procesos afectivos, sin los cuales, no hubiesen sido posibles.

Political Science Quarterly - v. 58, no. 2 ; Publicaciones periódicas ; Ciencia política

Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.