Suchergebnisse

While the determinants of political participation have long been scrutinized by scholars, their consequences are not well known. In this article we examine how macro-environmental factors-specifically, how distinctive political choices are from one another-affect the cognitive consequences of political participation. Although there are two possible causal directions between political participation and cognitive factors, we instead focus on how this macro-environmental factor affects the association between these two variables. We hypothesize that political participation promotes the efficacious feeling that participation makes a difference by improving the cognitive articulation of the political system. We find support for this hypothesis through our analysis of 22 countries in the CSES dataset using hierarchical linear modeling (HLM). Additional analysis shows that political participation has a compensatory effect on political efficacy for those who do not feel that their political position is well represented by the current party system. [Copyright 2007 Elsevier Ltd.]

Abstract
The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

Abstract
Visual politics is a fast-growing field and much of it is focused on images that inspire criticism. This tendency results in a lack of attention to oppressive visual practices. A political visual literacy approaches all visual practices as being layered with different "visual truths" that were developed in response to political commitments over time. These "visual truths" inflected visual practices in ways that may outlive the political settings in which they were first articulated. Most important of these is the desire to capture human difference that framed the development of visual technologies and is still embedded in a range of visual practices. The methodology I develop here links a conjunctural analysis of visual tools and practices and the visual truths implicated in them with their operationalisation by actors as cultural tools through the framework of mediated action. I develop this approach by interrogating two layered and harmful visual practices: the White-centrism of visual technologies and the racialised origins of transphobic visualities in automatic gender recognition technology.

Der Übergang Deutschlands und anderer hochentwickelter Länder zur digitalen Informationsgesellschaft ist dadurch gekennzeichnet, dass immer mehr gesellschaftliche Funktionen in elektronische Netzwerke verlagert werden. Die demokratische Willensbildung ist davon auf der Ebene der Information bereits nachhaltig und auf der Stufe des Diskurses immerhin schon deutlich erkennbar tangiert worden, während auf der Ebene der Entscheidung bislang noch keine direkten Auswirkungen zu verzeichnen gewesen sind. Bei der Reflexion von Lage und Perspektiven der demokratischen Partizipation im elektronischen Zeitalter kann der Rückgriff auf die analytischen Kategorien Netzoptimismus, Netzneutralismus und Netzpessimismus hilfreich sein, wobei pragmatische Erwägungen für eine neutralistische Orientierung sprechen, die Gestaltungsräume im informationstechnischen Wandel unterstellt. Damit offenbart sich ein immenser Handlungsbedarf, der neben technologischen unter anderem auch politische, institutionelle und kulturelle Aspekte aufweist.

The use of sociological and economic conceptions of innovation in the plane of political science is grounded. Attention is accented on judicial nature of innovation in a policy, its determination, including as internal effective mechanism of development of the system. The agents of innovation, procedure of its realization and stages of innovative process from the system and subjective point of view, and also possible reactions on introduction of innovation are described. ; Обосновывается использование социологических и экономических концепций инновации в плоскости политической науки. Внимание акцентируется на процессуальной природе инновации в политике, ее определении, в том числе как внутреннего действенного механизма развития системы. Описываются агенты инновации, процедура ее осуществления и этапы инновационного процесса с системной и субъективной точки зрения, а также возможные реакции на внедрение инноваций. ; Обґрунтовується використання соціологічних та економічних концепцій інновації в площині політичної науки. Увага акцентується на процесуальній природі інновації в політиці, її визначенні, зокрема, як внутрішнього дієвого механізму розвитку системи. Описуються агенти інновації, процедура її здійснення та етапи інноваційного процесу з системної та суб'єктивної точки зору, а також можливі реакції на запровадження інновацій.

Max Weber (1864-1920), generally known as a founder of modern social science, was concerned with political affairs throughout his life. The texts in this edition span his career and include his early inaugural lecture The Nation State and Economic Policy, Suffrage and Democracy in Germany, Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order, Socialism, The Profession and Vocation of Politics, and an excerpt from his essay The Situation of Constitutional Democracy in Russia, as well as other shorter writings. Together they illustrate the development of his thinking on the fate of Germany and the nature of politics in the modern western state in an age of cultural 'disenchantment'. The introduction discusses the central themes of Weber's political thought, and a chronology, notes and an annotated bibliography place him in his political and intellectual context.

University tuition fees in Quebec remain among the lowest in North America, despite recent government attempts to raise them. What explains the success of the 2012 Quebec student protests? This paper, drawing upon scholarship on social movement success, argues that the unfolding of political events in 2012 demonstrates the counter-intuitive manner in which a state can come to reflect a social movement's objectives. The Quebec student movement succeeded not by garnering public support or directly influencing policy decisions, but by allying itself with an opposition party that won an election in spite of its association with the movement. The student movement was not backed by popular opinion, and its success resulted from aligning itself with a party that was able to withstand the detrimental effects of this relationship.

"Men's Political Representation" published on by Oxford University Press.

In the past century, Germany, for better and for worse, offered itselfas a natural laboratory for political science. Indeed, Germany'sexcesses of political violence and its dramatic regime changes largelymotivated the development of postwar American political science,much of it the work of German émigrés and German-Jewishrefugees, of course. The continuing vicissitudes of the German experiencehave, however, posed a particular challenge to the concept ofpolitical culture as elaborated in the 1950s and 1960s,1 at least inpart to explain lingering authoritarianism in formally democraticWest Germany. Generally associated with political continuity or onlyincremental change,2 the concept of political culture has been illequippedto deal with historical ruptures such as Germany's "breakwith civilization" of 1933-1945 and the East German popular revolutionof 1989. As well, even less dramatic but still important and relativelyrapid cultural changes such as the rise of a liberal democraticVerfassungspatriotismus sometime around the late 1970s in West Germany3and the emergence of a postmodern, consumer capitalist culturein eastern Germany since 19944 do not conform to mainstreampolitical culture theory's expectations of gradual, only generationalchange. To be sure, continuity, if not inertia, characterizes much ofpolitics, even in Germany. Still, to be of theoretical value, the conceptof political culture must be able not only to admit but toaccount for change.