Suchergebnisse

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

ReseñaTítulo: The Politics of Political Science: Re-Writing Latin American ExperiencesAutor: Paulo RaveccaAño de publicación: 2019Edición: PrimeraPáginas: 292ISBN: 978 0815363088Editorial: Routledge La Política de la Ciencia Política de Paulo Ravecca ofrece un magnífico análisis sobre varios puntos fundamentales dentro de la institucionalización de la ciencia política y su epistemología. El libro de Ravecca es, en esencia, novedoso tanto en los temas que aborda como en su aproximación metodológica: un análisis comparado que triangula con investigación autoetnográfica, una forma poco convencional en la investigación social.

Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.

El presente artículo discute y reivindica el papel del cine como objeto de estudio dentro de la Ciencia Política. Se describe el estatus científico de la Ciencia Política contemporánea y el desdén por el estudio del cine dentro de la corriente principal de la Comunicación Política. Además, se introducen los aportes de la Teoría del Discurso de la Escuela de Essex para el análisis político y su marco conceptual central. Finalmente, los autores proponen una estrategia analítica o procedimiento para el análisis político del cine basado en dicha teoría y ofrecen una reflexión sobre sus aspectos epistemológicos.

The internal selection of candidates is one of the most important routines of the political parties; contrary to the international literature, in Colombia, the internal life of these organizations is studied very little. The selection instrument is intimately related with the nature of the party and it will have a direct incidence with the discipline of the party members facing the party's leadership. It is for this reason that the classification set out by the text for the study of the selection processes is determined by the level of concentration of this decision and it is found at the highest level of centralization: when this decision is concentrated in only one person or on a very reduced group of people; and the highest level of decentralization where the party subjects its decision to consultations and allows for the partici pation of all the electoral census citizens. ; La selección interna de candidatos es una de las rutinas más importantes de los partidos políticos. Al contrario de la literatura internacional, en Colombia, la vida interna de estas organizaciones es muy poco estudiada. El instrumento de selección está íntimamente relacionado con la naturaleza del partido y tiene incidencia directa en la disci plina de sus miembros frente a las cúpulas del partido. Es por esto que la clasificación que plantea el texto para el estudio de los procesos de selección está determinada por el nivel de concentración de esta decisión y se encuentra entre el mayor nivel de centralización (cuando esta decisión se concentra en una sola persona o grupo muy reducido de personas) y el mayor nivel de descentralización, donde el partido somete su decisión a consultas y permite la partici pación todos los ciudadanos del censo electoral.

"Venezuela: 4th & 5th republics" (Neira Fernández, Enrique) ; Presentation ; I. Conceptual frame ; Challenges and modernization ; Reforms of the state ; Governance ; Genuineness ; Decentralization ; Democracy ; Leadership ; Militarism ; Democratic caesarism ; Populism ; Violence ; Revolution ; Socialism ; II. The fourth republic (Before Chávez) ; A look back ; The economic thing ; The social thing ; The political thing ; The ethical thing ; III. The fith republic (In the times of Chávez) ; Introduction ; The strong man ; The process. Political ideology ; The process. Characteristics ; The beautiful revolution ; Gusty future ; Conclusion. The quadrature of the circle ; neira@intercable.net.ve ; Nivel analítico

The objective of the research was to discuss the conflictive nature of the migratory processes that occur in the world today. The need to adapt and solve daily problems inevitably requires the State to implement international, state and regional standards for the implementation of the rights and opportunities of migrants both in the territory of the donor country and in the territory of the recipient country. On the other hand, we see an increase in the phobia of migrants and the characteristic racism of countries where labor migration flows are increasing. In methodological terms, use was made of hermeneutics close to political ethnography. It is concluded that, for a long time, the criticism of racism has developed as a criticism of colonialism, Nazism, including anti-Semitism, and in modern times as a political criticism of migration-phobia and nationalism, in which the Racist speech and practices have found and do find obvious and complete expression. Migrant phobia is a concept that latently generates motives of political, ideological, racial, national, religious hatred, xenophobia, or hostility towards an ethnic or social group within the framework of social practices.

La confianza política ha sido identificada como uno de los indicadores centrales de la adhesión de los ciudadanos a su sistema político y, en especial, a la democracia. Como consecuencia de esto, investigadores han planteado que existe una estrecha relación entre confianza y participación política. Sin embargo, las características de dicha relación no han sido del todo definidas en la literatura comparada. En este artículo exploro la relación entre confianza y participación política en América Latina utilizando datos de lapop 2014. Sostengo que los individuos que más confían en sus instituciones tienden a participar en mayor medida en modalidades de participación convencionales, mientras que aquellos que desconfían más de sus instituciones utilizan otros mecanismos, como las protestas. En esa relación, la eficacia política ocupa un lugar importante en los mecanismos de participación convencional.

Las transformaciones de las subjetividades políticas juveniles, en el caso de estudio realizado en la ciudad de Medellín (Colombia), fueron posibilitadas por la construcción colectiva de un espacio de "encuentro" con el otro que se caracterizó por su enfoque participativo, por la promoción del reconocimiento de la diversidad política y por el desarrollo de prácticas de reflexividad y memoria, todas, atravesadas por procesos afectivos, sin los cuales, no hubiesen sido posibles.

The relevance of the research comes from the extent of the influence of information and communication technologies in socially significant areas, where the manipulation of public consciousness, in the Internet space, particularly in social networks, is an obvious phenomenon. The aim of the study was to discuss the opinion that the main driving factor in the use of social networks, as a proven platform for the manipulation of public consciousness, has been increased by social restrictions on personal contacts caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. General and special research methods were employed to achieve the stated objective. It is concluded that, despite the obvious advantages of the use of social networks in the political process, the political manipulations that currently exist in the virtual environment are often of a destructive nature and carry hidden symbolic threats to destabilize the life of a given country, as well as to worsen the quality of life of each of its citizens. Most of the time, political manipulations in the virtual environment take place at various stages of the electoral process.

La finalidad de este artículo es revisitar el complejo concepto de cultura política, reflexionando sobre el origen, la existencia de diferentes culturas políticas, los debates suscitados, la dificultad metodológica de su aplicación y la utilidad que su uso reporta a la Ciencia Política. Para ello se repasan las teorías clásicas de la cultura política y las críticas que han recibido teniendo en cuenta factores territoriales, históricos, psicológicos, institucionales y metodológicos que culminan en la propuesta de un nuevo esquema interpretativo. ; The purpose of this article is to revisit the complex concept of political culture. This work reflects on its origin, the existence of different political cultures, the debates raised, the methodological difficulty of its application and the benefits that its use adds to Political Science. To this end, the classical theories of political culture and the criticisms they have received are reviewed, taking into account territorial, historical, psychological, institutional and methodological factors that culminate in the proposal of a new interpretative scheme.

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

Rich countries spend about $100 billion a year on poor countries.But details about how this money is spent-and why-is usually unavailable. Even the aggregate figures reported to the public are often of pledges of aid rather than actual amounts spent. Using a detailed data set from Spain, 1999-2003, we explore how at least one rich country has chosen to spend its foreign aid budget, including a closer look at actual projects funded. Moreover, we will attempt to examine the political forces that shaped the allocation of that aid. In particular, we divide political factors into three groups: domestic, regional, and strategic, and find that all three play a role in how much money a poor country receives from donors.

This research analyses the contribution of cyberactivism to the political and social change in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, as well as the opinion of young Arabs on the present context. Meaningful information has been extracted from regular interviews to 30 undergraduates over a five-year period. These students had already participated in the process boosting the Arab Spring in 2011, and they keep practising cyberactivism ever since. The use of a mixed method research allows for carrying out a study where quantitative elements are complemented by qualitative ones. Findings show that Arab countries have not yet shaken off the former structures that supported the regimes preceding 2011, which are those that hamper the consolidation of a modern country. At the moment, there are still two conflicting realities between millenary traditions and values connected to revolutions and symbols of progressivism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In a context where the unity of action action is needed, cyberactivism plays an essential role, as it brings together critical citizens in a common and virtual space. These groups are committed to change, they keep in touch with the outside world and beyond censorship, they make protests visible to the international arena, and monitor government actions.