Suchergebnisse

Hay pocos estudios que indagan la participación de las mujeres en la ciencia y son aún más escasos aquellos que reflexionan sobre el papel de las mujeres en el desarrollo de las disciplinas. En este trabajo destacamos dos aspectos del campo de la ciencia política mexicana: primero, las investigaciones con perspectiva de género, y segundo, la construcción de conocimiento que emprenden las mujeres. Se trata de una investigación de carácter exploratorio y descriptivo cuyo estudio de caso es la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) durante el periodo 2010-2020. Se analizan dos criterios: 1) los artículos publicados en dos revistas especializadas: la Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales y la Revista Estudios Políticos, y 2) los temas de género que fueron seleccionados para la elaboración de investigaciones para obtener el título de licenciatura en Ciencias Políticas y Administración Pública con especialidad en Ciencia Política, así como los grados de maestría en Estudios Políticos y Sociales y en el doctorado en Ciencias Políticas y Sociales con orientación en Ciencia Política. Los resultados muestran que el impacto del feminismo, la perspectiva de género y los estudios de género tienen una resonancia importante. Sin embargo, los objetos de estudio hegemónicos per- manecen estables y este campo de investigación, de la mano con las metodologías feministas, aún lucha por abrirse paso en la disciplina.

This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels. ; This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.

This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels. ; This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.

This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.

En los países de América Latina se ha vuelto relevante la opinión y protesta de la comunidad evangélica. Por años la presencia de este grupo era reducida en el espacio público, pese a ser un grupo numeroso de la sociedad. En la actualidad este sector de la población busca ser representado en la política, evidenciado en la cantidad de candidatos evangélicos que se han presentado en las últimas dos elecciones, las manifestaciones públicas de organizaciones evangélicas y los esfuerzos por levantar plataformas políticas para evangélicos, incluyendo partidos políticos. Este fenómeno se torna relevante porque estos grupos pueden afectar de forma directa la agenda pública con un marcado conservadurismo. El objetivo general del artículo es comprender el motivo por el cual los evangélicos se han movilizado políticamente en los últimos años mediante el intento de formación de un partido político evangélico y por medio de candidaturas para cargos de representación popular. ; In Latin American countries, the opinion and protest of the evangelical community has become relevant. For many years the presence of this group was reduced in the public sphere, despite being a large group of society. Today this sector of the population seeks to be represented in politics, as evidenced by the number of evangelical candidates who have been presented in the last two elections, the public rallies by evangelical organizations and the efforts to raise different political platforms for evangelicals, including political parties. This phenomenon becomes relevant because these groups can directly affect the public agenda with a marked conservatism. The overall objective of this article is to understand why evangelical people have mobilized politically in the last years through the attempt to form an evangelical political party and through candidacies for positions of popular representation.

Since Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000, has formed a petrostate, based on the wealth of oil, while strengthening a new bureaucracy and a new industrial economy. The Russian managed democracy, as has been cataloged, it's just a hint of a political system that hides a dictatorshi p, as the monopoly of political power is held by a single party, United Russia, leaving truce to political parties dissident forces with the design that prevent the release of the opposition to submit their proposals. The growing public protests against the policies of the government through violent attack leaving the full totalitarian policies of the twentieth century no longer remember the freedoms and the rule of law, democracy is threatened.In the following essay we analyze the role played by political dissent by the Russian President Vladimir Putin on his two presidential governments (2000-2004 and 2004-2008) and how we view the politics taken by the regime of Vladimir Putin to silence these voices. ; Vladimir Putin desde que llegara al poder en el año 2000, ha formado un petroestado, sustentado en las riquezas del petróleo, a la par que ha fortalecido un aparato burocrático de nuevos industriales y de una nueva clase económica. La democracia dirigida rusa, como se ha catalogado, no es más que una insinuación de un sistema político que oculta una dictadura, dado que el monopolio del poder político está en manos de un solo partido- Rusia Unida- dejando sin tregua a los partidos políticos disidentes con el diseño de fuerzas que impidan la libertad de los opositores de dar a conocer sus propuestas. Las crecientes protestas públicas en contra de las políticas del gobierno se atacan con medidas violentas dejando que las políticas totalitarias de pleno siglo XX dejen de ser un recuerdo y las libertades de un estado de derecho, democrático, se vean amenazadas.El siguiente ensayo persigue fundamentalmente analizar el papel que ha jugado la disidencia política del presidente ruso Vladimir Putin bajo sus dos gobiernos presidenciales (2000-2004 y 2004-2008) y ver las políticas tomadas por el régimen de Vladimir Putin de acallar estas voces.

16 páginas ; Me propongo desarrollar algunas reflexiones sobre el campo de estudio de la ciencia política, como antropólogo, en diálogo desde el horizonte intelectual fijado por Eric Voegelin y en relacionando críticamente las ideas sobre la ciencia política expresadas por los profesores Rodrigo Losada y Andrés Casas, en sus recientes publicaciones, y quienes representan una importante escuela de pensamiento en el estudio de los fenómenos políticos. El debate se plantea en términos del dialogo entre las visiones reduccionistas y los enfoques heurísticos. Se afirma la importancia de la categoría teórica de experiencia de orden como pauta que conecta a la antropología política y a la ciencia política; concepto que de ser apropiado, permitiría enriquecer el universo retórico-científico, en cuanto a la identificación de la complejidad del fenómeno político. ; As an anthropologist, I intend to develop some reflections over the field of study of political science, in dialogue with the intellectual horizon set by Eric Voegelin and in a critical relation with the ideas expressed about political science in the recent publications, of professors Andrés Casas and Rodrigo Losada, whom represent an important school of thought in the study of the political phenomena. The debate is framed in terms of dialogue between reductive visions and heuristic approaches. It is stated the importance of the theoretical category of experience of order as a connecting pattern between anthropology and political science and allowing them to enrich their rhetorical scientific universe in terms of identifying the complexity of the political phenomenon.

Of the badest known diseases, violence and hate, and of the most naturalized, symbolic violence. It seems that we have managed to transform the creative capacity of human beings into sophisticated forms of violence that are expressed in ways that are visible and that are "socially" accepted. We also think that these ways of relating and controlling one another over the other are possibly the easiest way we have found to channel differentness, differently, to change and change between many other activators of social fears. As a way of compensating for the repudiation and censorship of more traditional violence, subtle ways of control, dominance and the exercise of hate over "others" reappear, as well as behaviors in the polls, for fear of exclusion from isolation. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (1995) and she planted it in her studies on public opinion, referring to the well-known "spiral of silence", affirms that individuals are able to change their opinions so that they don't feel isolated from the group or the good , submerge in silence if they perceive that their opinions do not coincide with what, in appearance, are dominant and majority. ; De los males más conocidos, la violencia y el odio, y de los más naturalizados, la violencia simbólica. Pareciera que logramos transformar la capacidad creativa de los seres humanos en sofisticadas formas de violencia que se expresan de maneras poco visibles y que son "socialmente" aceptadas. También es de sospechar, que estas maneras de relacionarse y de ejercer control de unos sobre otros, es posiblemente la forma más fácil que hemos encontrado para canalizar el miedo a lo diferente, al otro, a lo nuevo y al cambio entre muchos otros activadores de los temores sociales. Como una forma de compensar el repudio y la censura a la violencia más tradicional, reaparecen sutiles vías de control, de dominación y de ejercicio del odio sobre "los otros", como comportamientos no cuestionados, por temor a la exclusión o al aislamiento. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (1995) ya lo planteaba en sus estudios sobre la opinión pública, al referirse a la bien conocida "espiral del silencio", afirmaba que los individuos son capaces de cambiar sus opiniones con tal de no sentirse aislados del grupo o bien, sumergirse en el silencio si perciben que sus opiniones no coinciden con las que, en apariencia, son las dominantes y mayoritarias.

The relationship between political institutions and citizens has been redefined in the digital environment. The aim of this paper is to identify the main circumstances of this transformation. In this regard, individualization has been a key factor. So far, this relationship had been based on collective commitment and a global vision of society. Instead, it now depends on personal commitment and interest in individual issues. The voting process, traditionally based on affiliation, is now conditioned by voters' opinions. Public opinion can no longer be taken for granted. In addition, persuasion as the only strategy to connect with the electorate is insufficient. Therefore, professionals of political communication have been forced to use the logic of marketing and to explore the potential of digital media, to obtain more consensus and visibility in an increasingly competitive context of communication. ; La relación entre las instituciones políticas y la ciudadanía se ha redefinido en el entorno digital. El objetivo de este artículo es identificar los principales factores que enmarcan esta transformación. La individualización ha sido un factor clave en este sentido. Hasta ahora, los vínculos entre los ciudadanos se sustentaban en el compromiso colectivo y una visión global de la sociedad. En cambio, actualmente se basan en el compromiso personal y el interés por los asuntos individuales. El proceso de votación, tradicionalmente basado en la afiliación, depende ahora de las opiniones de los votantes. La opinión pública ya no puede darse por sentada. Además, la persuasión como única estrategia para conectar con el electorado resulta insuficiente. Por eso, los profesionales de la comunicación política se han visto forzados a emplear la lógica del marketing y a explorar el potencial de los medios digitales, para obtener mayor consenso y visibilidad en un contexto comunicativo cada vez más competitivo.

Sport and politics may seem to be two aspects of human life that, at first glance, may appear to be very dissimilar or separate from each other, as they are considered to be alien or separate from each other. In contrast, what this paper seeks to demonstrate is that there is a very close relationship between politics and the practice of sports. ; El deporte y la política puede que parezcan dos aspectos de la vida del ser humano que, a simple vista, pueden parecer muy disimiles o separados entre sí al considerarse como ajenos o separados el uno del otro. En contraste, lo que se busca demostrar en este escrito es que hay una relación muy estrecha entre la política y la práctica deportiva.