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The article presents the book The fire and the tale (2018), by the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, discussing some of the poetic thresholds of his political thought. Is departs from Agamben's implicit debates with Jacques Derrida on language and literature, passing by the poetic act as an act of resistance, defining the inoperative potency present in gestures of discursive interruption, and finally arrives at the discussion of life and work in a biopolitical context. Following the order of the chapters, but without intending to accomplish them, the assumption of the article is that the Italian - who has poetry and literature generally linked to a kind of "first phase" of his work - also in the biopolitical series named Homo Sacer used poetry and literature as a strong strategy of resistance and opening of thresholds before the organized logic of the sovereign power. If by one side the book can be read as forming a hermeneutic circle, the chapters, on the other hand, open the main lines in which philosophy, literature, poetry, and politics intersect for the Italian thinker. Therefore, some of the arguments set forth in The fire and the tale report in direct relation to notions and arguments present in other Agamben's books and in certain interlocutors are also included in the article.

In the current debate on human rights, the political conception is attractive in its ability to try to find solutions to the central questions and problems, which the orthodox conception has difficulties in solving, because of its own nature (the political formulation of human rights) it does not need a moral foundation that is independent of the recognition established by international law and practice. On the one hand, it is necessary to recognize that the current practice and the international doctrine consider human rights as tools addressed, mainly, to establish the limits of the legitimate sovereignty of the state, thus, recognizing the plausibility of the political conception. On the other hand, the article intends to show that this specific function, while important, should not exhaust all that human rights perform. Therefore, the political conception runs the serious risk of weakening the normative force of human rights and conflating two different agendas, that of human rights and that of global justice. To go through this argument, first of all, the article presents the contemporary genesis of the political conception of human rights based on the work of John Rawls. Secondly, it focuses on the reformulation given by Raz and Beitz's approaches. Finally, in the third section, I criticize three main assumptions which ground the current paradigm of political conception of human rights.

O direito de liberdade[1] à informação jornalística foi objeto de proteção específica pela nossa Constituição, que, no parágrafo lº, do artigo 220, vedou expressamente qualquer atividade que possa constituir obstáculo ou embaraço ao fluxo informativo. Nesse sentido, o mens constitutionem é clara e incontroversa ao estipular vedação, quer ao Poder Executivo, quer ao Legislativo, para edição de atos ou desempenho de atividades que obstaculizem ou, de alguma forma, embaracem a livre informação jornalística. Na verdade, a informação jornalística foi alçada a um patamar singular de proteção por razões bastante palpáveis. É que a informação jornalística constitui veículo da opinião pública livre. Esta, de sua vez, garantia institucional da democracia e do pluralismo político, indicados, pelo artigo 1º, caput e inciso V, da Constituição Federal, como, respectivamente, essência e fundamento da República Brasileira. O direito de informação jornalística, tal qual os demais direitos fundamentais, não é absoluto. Antes, é limitável, encontrando na existência e na observância dos demais direitos constitucionais as fronteiras demarcatórias da sua extensão. Em diversas situações, o exercício de um direito fundamental pode implicar a ofensa de outro, ou outros direitos, de igual ou diferente natureza. Essas hipóteses, concretizadas amiúde na fenomenilização dos preceitos constitucionais fundamentais, albergam diferentes soluções. Muitas vezes, por exemplo, a própria Constituição se preocupa com a compatibilização dos dois ou mais institutos envolvidos. Por um lado, por exemplo, prescreve o direito fundamental à propriedade privada. De outro, institucionaliza a desapropriação. Contudo, compatibiliza a aparente assincronia, disciplinando a prévia e justa indenização. Em outras ocasiões, o constituinte outorga ao legislador ordinário a faculdade de integrar em eficácia institutos constitucionais, ou ainda faculta a edição de diploma de eficácia de suas normas. São as chamadas normas constitucionais de eficácia restrita e de ...

This article aims to analyze the text from Walter Benjamin's 'Theologico-Political Fragment' (1991). Despite of being a short text, it presents some fundamental elements to structure the Benjamin's arguments on history. On this fragment the figure of a messiahs who is responsible for carrying out the historical events. The messianism present on Benjamin's work, thus, approaches to the real state of emergency proposed by himself on 'Theses on the Philosophy of History' (In: LÖWY, 2005). A state of emergency that does not only represents the suspension of the rules, but also its complete annihilation. Likewise, the messianism reflects the potential of profanation, the removal of the sacralization of the laws on the behalf of the resumption of the common use. Benjamin's propose goes towards a constitution of a political form, which is not limited to the simple reproduction of the status quo, but which actually represents the realization, the annihilation, of what became oppressor in the history.

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women's access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods: For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results: The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion: Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

In developing his materialist conception of history, Marx creates, at the same time, a critique to the Hegelian thought next to a critique of political economy. Those critiques are mainly concentrate in his works written throughout his youth, in particular 'The Misery of Philosophy'. Based on this work of Marx, the present paper aims to discourse on the metaphysics of political economy, whose critique is directed mainly to Proudhon responding to the work 'Philosophy of Misery', in which Proudhon tries to provide, in a metaphysical bias, the bases for the social problems, applying the Hegelian dialectic to the method of political economy. For Marx, the Proudhonist ideology, which is expressed in that work, is totally reformist and utopian. In contrast to the Proudhonist thought, and explaining simultaneously the foundations that constitute the theory of social being, which is woven by the capitalist mode of production, Marx publishes in 1847 his work 'The Misery of Philosophy' in response to Proudhon's 'Philosophy of Misery'.