Suchergebnisse

U ovome radu želimo ukazati na korijene Moltmannove »nove političke teologije« koje je izgradio uz J. B. Metza krajem 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih godina s posebnim naglaskom na značenje križa u političkom i društvenom angažmanu kršćanskih vjerskih zajednica i vjernika. Moltmannova koncepcija »nove političke teologije« u velikoj se mjeri oslanja na poimanje smrti Boga koje crpi kako iz povijesti Isusa iz Nazareta, tako i iz Hegelova razumijevanja spekulativnog Velikog petka. Postavljajući veliki naglasak na smrt Boga, Moltmann je u mogućnosti križ postaviti kao radikalnu kritiku bilo kakvih obogotvorenja kolektivnih identiteta koje nameće društvo, politika i religija, pri čemu revolucionarnost križa vidi u neprestanoj kritici tih identiteta. ; In this paper, we want to point to the roots of Moltmann's "new political theology" which he initiated along with J. B. Metz at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of 1970s, with special emphasis on the meaning of the cross in the political and societal engagement of Christian communities and believers. Moltmann's conception of "new political theology" is mainly relying on his conception of the death of God which he draws from the history of Jesus of Nazareth, but from Hegel's understanding of the speculative Good Friday as well. Mainly emphasising the death of God, Moltmann was able to posit the cross as a radical critique of the divinization of collective identities that the society, politics and religion push forward. Along those lines, he sees the revolutionary potential of the cross in the critique of these identities.

Autorica u tekstu polazi od premise da je politički subjekt neoliberalizma, vladajuće političke racionalnosti, individua koja se može okarakterizirati kao isključivi i nepodijeljeni posjednik samog sebe. Preispitivanjem tropa ne/ovisnosti razlažu se pretpostavke koje su uključene u pojam individue, a potom se, analizom konteksta njegove upotrebe u 19. stoljeću, pokazuje da je on bremenit genealogijama koje ograničavaju njegovu političku upotrebljivost u 21. stoljeću. Misliti protiv neoliberalizma zahtijeva napuštanje ideje individue kao suverenog vlasnika koji vlada sobom. Promišljanje alternativnog političkog horizonta, traganje za homo politicus-om koji se uistinu razlikuje od homo oeconomicus-a, iziskuje napuštanje političkog mišljenja koje polazi od pojedinca. ; The text is based on two premises. The first is that we live in the times of neoliberalism, and the second is that the political subject of neoliberalism is the individual, the "one" qualified as indivisible, independent, sole owner of one's self. To define what an individual is, I will revisit several 19th-century claims which at the same time posit individual as an empty universal – anyone qualifies for entitlement of an individual – and reveal it as profoundly exclusionary – as the holder of entitlements. I will claim that the indivisibility of an individual is also the basis for its understanding as sovereign and self-actualized. Liberal politicization of a sovereign possessor of interests introduces not only homo oeconomicus, but it also integrates economic mode of governmentality into the sphere of the political, it becoming a space of incessant play of exclusions and inclusions. If another kind of political imaginary is to be developed, I argue we need to distance ourselves from the figure of the individual, bearing in mind that homo oeconomicus triumphs today as the exhaustive figure of the human, amidst the patently unequal distribution not only of precarity but also of vulnerability. Critical engagement with neoliberalism assumes engaging with the political centrality of a figure of an agentic individual.

Bugarsko-hrvatski politički odnosi jedna su od relativno slabo istraženih tema unatoč povijesnoj, zemljopisnoj i jezičnoj bliskosti dvaju naroda. Cilj je ovoga rada istražiti veze između Bugara i Hrvata nakon početka demokratskih promjena u dvjema zemljama, od 1990. do danas, s naglaskom na njihov politički aspekt. U tom će smislu članak prikazati veze među vođama dviju zemalja, njihove bilateralne susrete, teme od zajedničkoga interesa, uzajamne inicijative, diplomatska nastojanja, postignute dogovore i geste dobre volje. Prikaz tih aktivnosti pokazuje da su bugarsko-hrvatski odnosi bili saveznički i prijateljski. U tekstu su korišteni arhivski i službeni dokumenti različitih institucija, izvori objavljeni u medijima kao i razgovori s protagonistima događaja. ; Bulgarian-Croatian political relations date back to the creation of the two states. Bulgaria and Croatia are bound by historical, geographical, linguistic, and last but not least political ties. This article examines the political relations between Bulgarians and Croats over a 25-year period – from the beginning of the democratic changes in 1990 to 2015. The analysis shows that, throughout this period, despite the ruling ideological paradigm in Sofia and Zagreb, the relations between the two countries were filled with goodwill, partnerships, mutual support, and formal and informal gestures. Such good cooperation manifested most clearly in moments of crisis for the two states – the wars in the early 1990s in former Yugoslavia, the crisis involving the Bulgarian medical workers in Libya, the recognition of Kosovo, the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, and others. The bilateral relations of these countries on the highest political level have become extremely intense after the beginning of the 21st century. The relations that developed when both countries were on the road to membership in the EU and NATO, and after both became members of these two organizations, serve to deepen the political ties between Bulgaria and Croatia.

U članku se razmatraju empirijski potkrijepljeni nalazi o trendovima, pitanjima i perspektivama političke znanosti koji su izloženi u radovima unutar biblioteke Istraživačkog odbora br. 33 Međunarodnog udruženja za političku znanost (IPSA-e) pod naslovom "Svijet političke znanosti: razvoj discipline" te na konferenciji IPSA-e održanoj u Montrealu 2008. o "Novim teorijskim i regionalnim perspektivama političke znanosti". Jedno je od pitanja koje se razmatra u ovoj analizi snaga i slabosti političke znanosti kao discipline – je li ona uopće relevantna za svijet koji nas okružuje, i ako nije, zašto nije? Golim je okom vidljivo da u usporedbi s, primjerice, ekonomijom kao znanošću (Predsjednik Obama ima tri savjetodavna vijeća) politička znanost razmjerno manje zanima kreatore javnih politika, medije i javnost. Stoga se pitamo je li politička znanost u raskoraku sa svijetom, i ako jest, što se može s tim u vezi učiniti? ; This paper arises from the empirical evidence about trends, issues and perspectives in political science to be found in the International Political Science Association's (IPSA) Research Committee 33 book series entitled: The World of Political Science: Development of the Discipline and the papers presented at the 2008 Montreal Conference of the IPSA on New Theoretical and Regional Perspectives on International Political Science. One of the issues raised by this analysis of the discipline's strengths and weaknesses is the question of whether political science is relevant to the outside world and if not, why not? It is evident to the naked eye that in comparison with, say, economists (President Obama has three advisory councils), political science is of relatively little interest to policy-makers, the media and the public. We have to ask if political science is out of step with the world and, if so, what might be done about it?

U ovom diplomskom radu analizira se provođenje ekonomske politike unutar političkog ciklusa, odnosno pokušava se analizirati način primjene ekonomske teorije u stvarnim društvenim okolnostima na primjeru provođenja politike štednje u zemljama članicama EU koje su to postale od 2004. godine. Ekonomska teorija služi kao smjernica za provođenje određene ekonomske politike, no na njezino provođenje utječu različite okolnosti. Kao najvažnija egzogena odrednica (okolnost) može se navesti izborni ciklus gdje, u demokratskim zemljama, političari, koji su zaduženi za provođenje ekonomske politike, moraju biti ponovno izabrani na svoju dužnost. Stoga izbori predstavljaju svakako najvažniju odrednicu u radu određenog političara. Radi toga izborni ciklus služi kao dobra orijentacija za analizu utjecaja društvenih okolnosti na provođenje ekonomske politike prema danoj teoriji. U tu će svrhu biti pružen povijesni pregled razvoja teorije politike štednje, kao i prikaz njezinog provođenja u ekonomskoj politici. Nakon toga će biti dan pregled teorije javnog izbora i političkih ciklusa koji pružaju teorijski okvir za objašnjenje važnosti samih izbora u životu racionalnih ekonomskih agenata. Na osnovu dane analize moći će se provesti ekonometrijska analiza pomoću koje će se pokušati odrediti značaj političkog ciklusa u provođenju politike štednje, posebno u kontekstu razdoblja Velike recesije. Metodološki, panel analiza čini temelj empirijske analize diplomskog rada i bit će provedena nad uzorkom od 11 novih zemalja članica EU u vremenskom razdoblju 2004.-2019. ; This Master's Thesis analyzes the implementation of economic policy within the political cycle, i.e. attempts to analyze the application of economic theory in the condition of real social circumstances by using the example of the implementation of austerity policy in EU member states that have become so since 2004. Economic theory serves as a guideline for the implementation of a particular economic policy, but its implementation is influenced by different circumstances. ...

Ovaj rad bavi se međuodnosom političkih preferencija i političkih orijentacija studenata i njihovih roditelja. Rad je teorijski organiziran u okvirima sociologije znanja s posebnim osvrtom na određene dimenzije političke socijalizacije kao dinamičnog procesa – konstantne dijalektike primarnih i sekundarnih socijalizacijskih aktera. U radu se istraživala važnost određenih aktera u životima studenata u formiranju njihovih političkih identiteta. Provedeno je istraživanje nad populacijom studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Uzorak je obuhvaćao 500 studenata s fokusom na ispunjenje kvota po spolu i području studijskog programa. Samo istraživanje polazilo je od tri osnovna istraživačka pitanja; (1) U kojoj mjeri i na koji su način povezane političke preferencije studenata i roditelja? (2) U kojoj mjeri su povezani političko ideološki stavovi (političke orijentacije) roditelja i studenata (u smislu lijevo/centar/desno)? (3) U kojoj mjeri su povezani politički stavovi (preferencije i orijentacija) studenata sa stavovima očeva te stavovima majka? Istraživanje je pokazalo kako su, u ponuđenim akterima, najveće značenje za formiranje političkog identiteta za studente i dalje imali njihovi roditelji. Potvrđena je i statistički značajna povezanost političke orijentacije studenata i one njihovih roditelja. U deskriptivnom smislu, veća usklađenost i političkih orijentacija i političkih preferencija vidljiva je na desnom političkom spektru nego li je to slučaj s lijevim političkim spektrom (iako i tamo postoji povezanost). ; This paper deals with the interrelation of political preferences and political orientations of students and their parents. The paper is theoretically organized within the sociology of knowledge with special reference to certain dimensions of political socialization as a dynamic process - the constant dialectic of primary and secondary socialization actors. The paper investigates the importance of certain stakeholders in the lives of students in the formation of their political identities. A survey was conducted on the student population of the University of Zagreb. The sample included 500 students with a focus on meeting quotas by gender and program of study. The research itself was based on three basic research questions; (1) To what extent and in what way are the political preferences of students and parents related? (2) To what extent are the political ideological attitudes (political orientations) of parents and students related (in terms of left-wing / center / right-wing)? (3) To what extent are the political attitudes (preferences and orientation) of students related to the attitudes of their fathers and mothers? The research showed that, among the offered stakeholders, the most influential in the formation of political identity for students were their parents. A statistically significant connection between the political orientation of students and that of their parents was also confirmed. In the descriptive analysis, greater alignment of both political orientations and political preferences is visible on the right political spectrum than is the case with the left political spectrum (although there is a connection there as well).

U radu analiziramo sadržaj konceptualnih metafora u političkome diskursu u Bosni i Hercegovini te na osnovu indeksa sadržaja analiziranih metafora pokušavamo utvrditi pokazuju li metafore koje koriste bosanskohercegovački političari jače emocionalne izljeve. Kroz analizu će se napraviti i usporedba sadržaja konceptualnih metafora u korpusu na jezicima bosanskohercegovačkih naroda sa sadržajem metafora pronađenih u korpusu na engleskome jeziku. Tematski, korpus istraživanja vezan je za događaje iz 2014. poznate pod nazivom Bosansko proljeće. ; The paper analyzes the content of conceptual metaphors in political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on the basis of the content index of analyzed metaphors it tries to determine if metaphors, used by Bosnian-Herzegovinian politicians, show stronger emotional outbursts. Through analysis the author will also compare the content of conceptual metaphors taken from the corpus in Bosnian-Herzegovinian languages to the content of metaphors from the English corpus. Thematically, the research corpus is related to the events from the year 2014 known under the name Bosnian Spring.

The author considers the attmept at the poli ti cal disqualification of the fifth edition of the Croatian Orthography by Babić, Finka and Moguš. She points out a tendency on a part of the Croatian political circles to diminish its linguistic quality and to direct the development of the Croatian language and orthography towards the positions of the imposed Novi Sad Orthography.

U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.

Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.