Suchergebnisse

Actualization of development problem of lobbying institution in legal, political and socio-cultural areas is caused not only by practical need in political development of Ukraine, but also by consequence of a general political science theoretical development. This article analyses the study of a powerful resource of political power - groups of pressure in the current political coordinates of Ukraine. Lobbyism is interpreted as a phenomenon conditioned by the peculiarities of American political process and American legislation, but it is emphasized that special mechanisms and methods of pressure on political government by non-governmental structures is inherent in any democratic system of government. It has been found that the system of pressure by "interested groups" is actively forming and operating in Ukraine, however, lobbyism in our country has not received proper coverage and legal regulation. The purpose of lobbying is to consolidate pressure groups' interests or third parties' interests in decisions management. It is noted that the methods of lobbyism that contain unlawful actions in spite of external decency (for example, corruption component) are used quite widely. The emphasis is made on the fact that most political decisions are not formed on the level of open official rule, but in the hidden process of rivalry, adaptation and regulation among numerous interested groups. Obviously, political leadership in Ukraine is largely controlled by large business structures.
Currently in Ukraine there is awareness about a need in institutionalization of lobbyism as part of political and democratic process, which, under conditions of legally regulated use, can contribute to the formation of a promising strategy for the development of Ukrainian state. It is concluded that dynamics of political space development in Ukraine depend on the constructive interaction between state institutions and pressure groups.

The article presents issues related to the occurrence of political risk in local government in Poland. It will attempt to identify the symptoms to demonstrate the possibility of a political budget cycle in local government units. On the basis of budgetary data an empirical analysis of local governments will be carried out, with a particular emphasis on debt levels, capital expenditures, and a result of the budget in the years of local elections and pre-election periods. The presented research results cover all categories of local government units, i.e., municipalities, cities with poviat rights, poviats, and voivodships. The time range of the analysis is 2003-2019. The empirical part is preceded by a literature review, both in terms of the election cycle and the risk related to local debt management. The adopted structure of the article allows obtaining an answer to the question of whether there is a political risk in the surveyed entities.

Ukraine has played an extremely important role in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries over the years, mainly due to its position as a transit state. Past energy crises (2006, 2009) have affected the perception of the country in Europe and led to Russian-German energy projects that reduce the level of regional security (e.g., Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2). In Poland, various political parties (Law and Justice, Civic Platform, the Left Party, Polish People's Party) have referred differently to regional cooperation and the function Ukraine might offer in this type of process. In this context, the aim of the article was to analyse the political thought of selected Polish parliamentary parties regarding the importance of Ukraine in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries during Russia's armed attack on Ukraine in 2022. The starting point of the analyses was the general thesis that political parties in Poland treated Ukraine as a key state in efforts to limit the negatively perceived energy policy of the Russian Federation in the region.

The article examines some issues of legal support of political advertising during the process of election, but is not limited to it, as well as how they affect the outcome of elections. In this study comparative, observation, dynamical analogies, analysis methods are used. The author compares the current legislation of Ukraine and the legislation of a number of other European countries and identifies their common and distinctive features.

Special attention is given to the political advertising law of Poland, as its closest neighbour. Also, the legislation of France, Germany and Great Britain is examined. The article underlines their main differences. Partial and systematic violations of advertising legislation during the electoral process and during the period between the elections are also identified.

The article also shows that the issue in question is not fully studied by legal scientists. The research, in particular, emphasises on the lack of comprehensive definition of political advertising and its legal regulation during the period between the elections. The article draws attention to the incorrectness in law legal regulation of political advertising by the laws regulating commercial advertising. The legal acts, that influence the results of elections are specified, in particular, the author pays attention to the state budget funding for political parties. Reducing Government expenditure can preserve the principle of absolute equality among political actors, so they could participate constructively in the elections. The best thing to do considering the circumstances is to adopt a new law on political advertising or to to amend the existing Act, that regulates advertising in general. As a result, it is proved that political advertising is not limited to the electoral process and must be governed by legislation. The article also states that any law in this area also should comply with international law, especially with acts adopted by the European Union.

This article seeks to investigate the birth and evolution of the European Political Community – a pan-European multilateral coordination format that has emerged at the initiative of France and in reaction to the Russian full-scale military aggression in Ukraine. The analysis draws on official speeches, think-tank briefs, and the Author's participatory observation conducted during international expert meetings held in early 2023. It is argued that the EPC is still a "moving target" in the early stage of development, where both its objectives and structure are not yet fully defined. From a Polish perspective, it has so far sent a key strategic message to Russia and can serve as a vehicle to re-engage with the United Kingdom or Turkey. But it should not be used as yet another ENP-style waiting room for candidates seeking EU membership.

The main purpose of the article is to present the evolution of legal regulations regarding national minorities in Ukraine, the structure of these minorities and the dynamics of demographic change. The authors analyzed the geographical distribution as well as the political, cultural and educational activity of the most numerous national minorities. They presented the main reasons for the increase or decrease in the size of the largest national groups. The political and legal foundations of minority activities, the specificity of the organization of their educational institutions, national-cultural associations and ethnic parties were analyzed. Particular attention was paid to the problematic provisions of the new Education Act (2017), which reduced the status of languages of national minorities in education and led to the deterioration of relations with individual countries with which minorities are associated. The authors discussed the most severe problems in bilateral relations arising from Ukraine's policy towards minorities and some ideas on how to solve them. The main methods of improving nationality policy in contemporary Ukraine were also presented.

The purpose of this article is to examine potential trends in the development of the political system of Ukraine after the end of the Russia-Ukraine war. Social changes always take place taking into account both subjective and objective circumstances. Currently the Ukrainian state relies on three pillars for further transformation of political institutions: 1) the Ukrainian value-mental tradition, 2) our own experience of democratic development in recent decades, 3) the political will to embrace European values. The latter means that Ukraine voluntarily undertook the obligation to meet the Copenhagen criteria, including to demonstrate the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. In the political circles of Ukraine, there is a "plan to restart the state", which boils down to structural changes in the system of public administration. Ukraine needs qualitative changes in the system of political relations, it is necessary to eliminate the contradiction between the form and content of political institutions. Archaic practices, nepotism, eastern methods of holding power by suppressing the opposition, corruption in the state apparatus and purely criminal practices are hidden behind the modern facade. War not only destroys, but also gives impulses for development through the mobilization of the nation's forces. We have a chance to restart political institutions and consolidate new structures born of war. We must pay attention to the institution of national resistance, which, through the movement of territorial defense and the volunteer movement, led to a situation of social filtering. As a result, strata of people crystallized, for whom the public good is higher than selfish interests. It is important not to lose the energy of the masses after the war and to use the patriotic movement to build political institutions.

The article identifies the place and role of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukraine by taking into consideration that the network of religious organizations in our country is one of the largest on the European continent. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukrainian Orthodoxy. During more than thousand years the Orthodoxy, despite the conflicts between the churches and their believers in past and present is still the most widespread Christian confession in Ukraine. Moreover, it saved a tendency to the inner unity, including creation of the Local Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU). Obtaining by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on January 6, 2019 from the Ecumenical Patriarchate the Thomas was an important step in founding of independent and competent national church. This is also evidenced by the fact that during the first year of existing of the OCU the number of its parishes increase up to 7,000, not less important is the fact that three churches: The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Hellenic Church and the Patriarchate of Alexandria recognized the OCU and this already testifies its international acceptance as the part of Orthodoxy.
Undoubtedly, the Russian occupation of Crimea and Putin's war in Donbas and the support of these shameful actions by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and its Ukrainian branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP) served to the political choices and self-identification of a big part of Ukrainian believers and it gives hope for the gradual stabilization (deconflictization) of interconfessional relations in the Ukrainian Orthodoxy.

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

Owing to current events in Belarus (political and social, including the economic crisis and the ongoing activities that are having a negative impact on the functioning of opposition movements), the country is becoming an arena of competition for influence. In the context of the subject of this analysis, rivalry, especially in terms of the influence of other states on Belarusian society, is of key importance. Science diplomacy may be a tool of competition for influence. The fact that science diplomacy can be both a tool with which to cooperate with other countries in the region and a tool of competition for influence is of key importance in analysing this problem. The scientific potential of the Belarusian community is also of interest to other countries, including Ukraine, Lithuania, and Germany. The effective and efficient implementation of science diplomacy activities towards Belarus is undoubtedly in line with the well-understood Polish national interest. The aim of the article was to conduct a political and legal analysis of the process by which Poland is using science diplomacy as a tool for influencing the scientific community of Belarus. Another research goal was to analyse the activities undertaken by two other countries in the region – Ukraine and Lithuania – with respect to science diplomacy. The article also aimed to analyse the formal and legal conditions related to the normative solutions used in the countries under analysis, enabling the undertaking and implementation of education by Belarusian citizens. The educational and scientific programmes offered to students and scientists from Belarus in Poland were also subject to legal analyses. The whole analysis is supplemented and concluded by an attempt to evaluate the effectiveness of the activities carried out so far.

The aim of this paper is to examine the importance of generational dialogue in the Georgian political tradition. The research statement of this paper is that the generational dialogue in Georgia, which is not particularly rooted in the political tradition, is currently flat and unconstant. In addition, due to the current situation of Georgia related to the democratization of the state, a new chapter for Georgian generational dialogue can be opened. To analyze this research problem, I have used a number of research methods based partly on secondary and primary sources, i.e. expert interviews were conducted online with Georgian researchers from the Ivane Javakhivshvili Tbilisi State University and Ilia State University. The paper is a snapshot of the theory of generational dialogue, and it presents the work of Polish scientists. Moreover, it examines the generational dialogue in the post-Soviet area, and this analysis can be developed in further scientific publications. The study of generational dialogue is essential for analyzing the perception of democracy and democratization among the generations in Georgia.

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination - which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec's paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it's in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering -in this context- fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.

Currently, immigration issues occupy an important place in the debate on the future of Europe. One of the central themes of this debate is the issue of security. In spite of the functioning of supranational integration structures, individual states still remain a fundamental factor in shaping migration. In many cases, the issue of immigration is subjected to the process of securitization, framing immigration as a threat. It is the speech act that is important in this respect, being a kind of securitizing tool. Since 2015, one can notice elements indicating that the process of securitization of immigration has been present in Poland, too, which, among other things, is a consequence of the change of the ruling party, the immigration crisis that has taken place in Europe, and the migration situation on Poland's eastern border. The article presents the factors that influence the process of immigration securitization. Additionally, it includes numerous statements from Polish politicians securitizing the problem of immigrants as well as the results of social surveys on attitudes towards immigration. The analysis of the collected material leads to the conclusion that the securitisation of immigration in Poland is not a completed process and that this process concerns a geographically defined group of immigrants.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive
approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of
political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources
utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

The author of the article presents and analyzes the concept of the public sphere which was created by Plessner in the twenties of the twentieth century. It includes the main work of Plessner written in 1923, The Limits of Community: A Critique of Social Radicalism. This book presents two forms of public life organisation: community and society. Plessner shows the important differences in the understanding of the role of the individual in these two forms of human collectivity organisation. Plessner creates its own versions of anthropology for understanding the possibility of different treatment of individuals in the community and in society. He presented this concept in the paper entitled Conditio humana in 1961 which represents one of the main works of political anthropology in the twentieth century. His research effort focuses on the presentation of the role of the public sphere in the social life. Its important characteristic is neutral behavior of people performing the roles in social life. According to Plessner, there are two types of community: a blood-based type and an ideal-based type both of which aspire to control the public sphere. The meaning of Plessner's concept is very broad; both for explaining the totalitarianism creation in Germany as well as for discovering a deeper sense of political changes in the modern world.