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ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

O direito de liberdade[1] à informação jornalística foi objeto de proteção específica pela nossa Constituição, que, no parágrafo lº, do artigo 220, vedou expressamente qualquer atividade que possa constituir obstáculo ou embaraço ao fluxo informativo. Nesse sentido, o mens constitutionem é clara e incontroversa ao estipular vedação, quer ao Poder Executivo, quer ao Legislativo, para edição de atos ou desempenho de atividades que obstaculizem ou, de alguma forma, embaracem a livre informação jornalística. Na verdade, a informação jornalística foi alçada a um patamar singular de proteção por razões bastante palpáveis. É que a informação jornalística constitui veículo da opinião pública livre. Esta, de sua vez, garantia institucional da democracia e do pluralismo político, indicados, pelo artigo 1º, caput e inciso V, da Constituição Federal, como, respectivamente, essência e fundamento da República Brasileira. O direito de informação jornalística, tal qual os demais direitos fundamentais, não é absoluto. Antes, é limitável, encontrando na existência e na observância dos demais direitos constitucionais as fronteiras demarcatórias da sua extensão. Em diversas situações, o exercício de um direito fundamental pode implicar a ofensa de outro, ou outros direitos, de igual ou diferente natureza. Essas hipóteses, concretizadas amiúde na fenomenilização dos preceitos constitucionais fundamentais, albergam diferentes soluções. Muitas vezes, por exemplo, a própria Constituição se preocupa com a compatibilização dos dois ou mais institutos envolvidos. Por um lado, por exemplo, prescreve o direito fundamental à propriedade privada. De outro, institucionaliza a desapropriação. Contudo, compatibiliza a aparente assincronia, disciplinando a prévia e justa indenização. Em outras ocasiões, o constituinte outorga ao legislador ordinário a faculdade de integrar em eficácia institutos constitucionais, ou ainda faculta a edição de diploma de eficácia de suas normas. São as chamadas normas constitucionais de eficácia restrita e de ...

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women's access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods: For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results: The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion: Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

Based on an analysis of the television style, this study explores the presence of power and oppression relationships in scenes taken from the soap operas Renascer (1993) and O Rei do Gado (1996). The objective is to discover how these relationships can offer the audience a visual experience of the land and its cultural matrix. We conclude that there are different approaches in both soap operas: while in Renascer the deal with the Devil reveals a blend of the origins of "mandonismo" and marvelous realism, in O Rei do Gado negotiations between farmers and landless reveal land policies, the personification of power, and the unfinished nature of agrarian reform. ; Baseado na análise do estilo televisivo, este artigo explora a figuração das relações de poder e de subjugação em cenas extraídas das telenovelas Renascer (1993) e O Rei do Gado (1996). A meta é investigar como tais materialidades oferecem ao público uma experiência visual da terra e a matriz cultural que a subjaz. Concluímos que há um deslocamento na abordagem: enquanto em Renascer o pacto com diabo revela a imbricação das matrizes do mandonismo e do realismo maravilhoso, em O Rei do Gado a negociação entre fazendeiro e sem-terra revela a política fundiária, a personificação do poder e a incompletude da reforma agrária.

A VENEZUELA da época democrática, que se inicia em 1958, tem na emergência política de Hugo Chávez seu marco divisor do cenário político: pode-se, desta forma, apontar uma Venezuela democrática pré e pós-Chávez. Este ensaio analisa, pois, os fatores da mudança político-institucional venezuelana em quatro momentos: durante o auge e a queda do Pacto de Punto Fijo; o início do fenômeno chavista e suas características; a polarização social e política na Venezuela de Chávez; e, por fim, a Venezuela pós-referendo presidencial. ; THE DEMOCRATIC era in Venezuela dates from 1958. With the Hugo Chávez Administration, the nation is experiencing a true breach in its national political scene. Therefore it now becomes possible to identify a democratic Venezuela pre- and post-Chavez. This article tries to analyze the variables for political and institutional change in Venezuela in four specific moments: first, during the rise and fall of the Punto Fijo Pact; second, the building-up of the chavista phenomenon; third, the social and political polarization in Venezuela during Chavez Administration; and finally, Venezuela after the presidential referendum.

This article analyses a series of legal and illegal state policies and ruling-party strategies, of a repressive nature or involving political perse-cution, which were implemented by Peronist governments between 1973 and 1976, in the period prior to the military dictatorship that imposed State terrorism in Argentina. The observation of these practices is combined with the study of the discourses of diverse members of the political system from the period.The study reveals the gradual establishment of a discourse about "national security", that is to say, based on the idea of a subversive enemy of a domestic nature and alien to the "national spirit". The Argentinian case study shows that this type of discourse, which is generally associated with the military regimes of the Southern Cone, also existed and was put into practice in constitutional regimes. ; In the 60s and 70s in Brazil, the Armed Forces were involved in the political repression under the inspiration of the National Security doctrine and the French military thought about Revolutionary War. According to these theories, this new kind of war, which combined military operations and political propaganda, required a strong intervention of the armed forces and the police, as well as the full knowledge of the techniques and tactics of the enemy, which was done by means of a strict information control. Much of this information was obtained through interrogation under torture of political prisoners. This article is about the themes of these interrogations, and the likely use of the collected information. Broadly, they were used in three fronts: Finding the enemy, knowing the structure and procedures of their organizations, and evaluating the militants' degree of involvement in political activities.

Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.

This article aims to share the experience of Movimentos (Movements), a collective of young activists from Brazilian favelas and peripheral neighborhoods whose goal is to discuss alternatives to the current drug policy from the peripheral youth's standpoint. The population's role in the formulation, application, and enforcement of public safety and drug policies is rudimentary, and the opportunities available to youngsters who live in Brazilian favelas and the outskirts are even smaller. The purpose of Movimentos is to have youngsters from the outskirts take center stage in the debate over public safety and drug policies, because they are the war on drugs greatest victims. The collective follows a hybrid organizational model that combines collective, horizontal governance with the institutional support of an academic research center. Not only does it seek to broaden youngsters' agency around public safety and drug policies, but it also devises and experiments with methodologies to enable their active participation. O presente artigo tem como objetivo compartilhar a experiência de construção do Movimentos, um coletivo de jovens ativistas de favelas e periferias do Brasil que tem como propósito discutir alternativas à atual política de drogas a partir da perspectiva da juventude periférica. A capacidade de incidência popular na formulação, execução e supervisão das políticas públicas de segurança e de drogas é incipiente e, nesse quadro, menores ainda são as oportunidades disponíveis para a participação a juventude que vive nas favelas e periferias brasileiras. O Movimentos nasce com o propósito de colocar no centro do debate sobre segurança pública e política de drogas os atores que são mais impactados pela chamada "guerra às drogas": os jovens periféricos. Apostando em um modelo híbrido de organização, que combina a governança coletiva e horizontal ao apoio institucional de um centro de pesquisa vinculado a uma universidade, o Movimentos busca não apenas ampliar a capacidade de incidência política da juventude periférica nas áreas de segurança pública e política de drogas, mas também elaborar e experimentar metodologias que possibilitem sua participação ativa e engajada. Publisher's Note:This article has been published in both Portuguese and English. To download the Portuguese version, click the "Download" link and select "PDF (PT)". Este artigo foi publicado tanto em Inglês, como em Português. Para baixar a versão em Português, clique "Download" e depois selecione "PDF (PT)".

Consumers are gradually becoming more conscious of the strength of their consumption, expressing discontent and opinions and demanding improvements in organizations. Due to the extensive theoretical background, this article aims to compile research about political consumption through an integrative review on WOS and Scopus. At the end of the methodological procedures, 36 articles were obtained and analyzed with the content analysis technique. The results show that personal influences and motivations for political consumption are based on sociodemographic situation, political ideology, and internet use. This framework synthesized the phases of political consumption, the main actions, and the main actors involved. ; Los consumidores han ido tomando conciencia de la fortaleza de su consumo, en el sentido de expresar descontento, opiniones y exigir mejoras en el desempeño organizacional. Dado el amplio marco teórico sobre el tema, el objetivo de este artículo fue integrar la investigación sobre consumo político a través de una revisión integradora en WOS y Scopus. Al finalizar los procedimientos metodológicos se obtuvieron 36 artículos, los cuales fueron analizados mediante la técnica de análisis de contenido. Los resultados muestran que las influencias y motivaciones personales para el consumo político se basan en factores sociodemográficos, ideología política y uso de Internet. A través de un marco, se retrataron las fases del consumo político, las principales acciones y actores involucrados. ; Os consumidores, gradualmente, têm adquirido consciência sobre a força de seu consumo, no sentido de expressar descontentamentos, opiniões e reivindicar melhorias da atuação organizacional. Haja vista o extenso arcabouço teórico sobre o assunto, o objetivo deste artigo consistiu na integração das pesquisas de consumo político por meio de uma revisão integrativa nas bases de busca da WOS e Scopus. Ao final dos procedimentos metodológicos, obteve-se 36 artigos que foram analisados por meio da técnica da análise de conteúdo. Os resultados mostram que as influências pessoais e motivações para o consumo político encontram suas bases em fatores sociodemográficos, ideologia política e utilização da internet. Através de um framework sintetizou-se as fases do consumo político, as principais ações e atores envolvidos.

This investigated corresponds to the question of the subjectivity in Foucault from a critical reading. In archaeology it is evidenced existence of the subject of the enunciation while it appears derived from the objectivization games. In the genealogy, the notion appears of situated individual in the relations of power. In the genealogy of the ethics, the subject produced for the ethical experiences. Concludes that against the universalism of the subject's theories, these forms of subjectivity point with respect to a "historical ontologies of ourselves" letting not to discover what we are, and yes to refuse what in we become them. ; O tema investigado corresponde à questão da subjetividade em Foucault a partir de uma leitura crítica percorrendo os seus textos na transversal em três deslocamentos de análise. Na arqueologia constata-se a existência do sujeito do enunciado enquanto figura derivada dos jogos de objetivação. Na genealogia surge a noção de indivíduo situado nas relações de poder. Na genealogia da ética emerge o sujeito produzido pelas experiências éticas. Conclui-se que contra o universalismo das teorias do sujeito, essas formas de subjetividade apontam para uma "ontologia histórica de nós mesmos" oportunizando não descobrirmos o que somos, e sim recusarmos o que nos tornamos.

O que fazem psicanalistas nas escolas? Esse artigo, debate uma intervenção psicanalítica clínicopolítica na escola, que interpela adolescentes e equipe de ensino a constituir e partilhar seus saberes. Distinguimos três tempos na intervenção em que pudemos constatar o sofrimento dos adolescentes quando as funções da escola estão atravessadas pelo recorte da raça e da classe, atravessamento que se concretiza na correlação entre desenvolvimento, pobreza, raça e perigo social. Quando os saberes puderam circular em diálogo pode-se localizar os conflitos e o mal-estar da escola diante da adolescência e das complexidades da situação histórico-social brasileira, de modo a tornar a construção dos conflitos como motor de trabalho e não como fracasso das equipes. ; What do psychoanalysts do in schools? This article discusses a clinical-political psychoanalytic intervention at school that interpellates teenagers and the teaching staff into constituting and sharing their knowledge. During the intervention, three moments are distinguished at which we could assert the suffering of adolescents when the school's functions are cross-cut by race and class, a crossing mimicked in the correlation among development, poverty, race, and social danger. When knowledge could be shared through dialogue, the school's conflicts and discomfort vis-à-vis adolescence and the complexities of the Brazilian historical-social situation could be located, thereby highlighting the establishment of conflicts as engines of work rather than as failure of the teaching staff.

This essay proposes an investigation on the forms of contemporary cynicism, combining the interpretation of political drama with reflections of the daily life sociology, particularly referring to Simmel, Goffman and De Certeau. In an expanded historical perspective from the 21st century metropolis to the communication media of the 20th century, it proposes a reconstruction of the political action and of certain moment of its imagination. A moment that shall be studied as from its relations with money, time acceleration and sensory overstimulation, which institute a new image of social relations. Cynicism seems to be, in the conditions created by metropolis and media, the cultural form more suitable for management and organization of daily events in public sphere. ; Esse ensaio propõe uma investigação sobre as formas do cinismo contemporâneo, conjugando a interpretação do drama político com reflexões da sociologia da vida cotidiana, com particular referência a Simmel, Goffman e De Certeau. Numa perspectiva histórica ampliada da metropóle do século XXI aos meios de comunicação do século XX, propõe uma reconstrução da ação política e de determinado momento de seu imaginário. Um momento que será estudado a partir de suas relação com o dinheiro, com a aceleração do tempo e com a superestimulação sensocial, que instituem uma nova imagem das relações sociais. O cinismo parece ser, nas condições criadas pela metrópole e pela mídia, a forma cultural mais adequada para a gestão e organização dos eventos diários na esfera política.

UNESCO is a supranational actor, whose political action contributes to the mobilization of a range of social actors around the governance of youth and adult education. In this article the author examines the types of mobilization processes that occur through interactions between UNESCO and other political actors. The results bring to light three modes of mobilization through which: 1) a shared past in youth and adult education is co-constructed (landmarking), 2) a viable future is envisioned through interactions between UNESCO and other political actors (brokering), and 3) specific standard-setting and monitoring instruments are created, in an attempt to produce material changes in youth adult education (framing). In conclusion the author stresses the need for further research to deepen the understanding of these processes and the materiality of the changes they are (or are not) able to produce.