Suchergebnisse

Actualization of development problem of lobbying institution in legal, political and socio-cultural areas is caused not only by practical need in political development of Ukraine, but also by consequence of a general political science theoretical development. This article analyses the study of a powerful resource of political power - groups of pressure in the current political coordinates of Ukraine. Lobbyism is interpreted as a phenomenon conditioned by the peculiarities of American political process and American legislation, but it is emphasized that special mechanisms and methods of pressure on political government by non-governmental structures is inherent in any democratic system of government. It has been found that the system of pressure by "interested groups" is actively forming and operating in Ukraine, however, lobbyism in our country has not received proper coverage and legal regulation. The purpose of lobbying is to consolidate pressure groups' interests or third parties' interests in decisions management. It is noted that the methods of lobbyism that contain unlawful actions in spite of external decency (for example, corruption component) are used quite widely. The emphasis is made on the fact that most political decisions are not formed on the level of open official rule, but in the hidden process of rivalry, adaptation and regulation among numerous interested groups. Obviously, political leadership in Ukraine is largely controlled by large business structures.
Currently in Ukraine there is awareness about a need in institutionalization of lobbyism as part of political and democratic process, which, under conditions of legally regulated use, can contribute to the formation of a promising strategy for the development of Ukrainian state. It is concluded that dynamics of political space development in Ukraine depend on the constructive interaction between state institutions and pressure groups.

The article examines some issues of legal support of political advertising during the process of election, but is not limited to it, as well as how they affect the outcome of elections. In this study comparative, observation, dynamical analogies, analysis methods are used. The author compares the current legislation of Ukraine and the legislation of a number of other European countries and identifies their common and distinctive features.

Special attention is given to the political advertising law of Poland, as its closest neighbour. Also, the legislation of France, Germany and Great Britain is examined. The article underlines their main differences. Partial and systematic violations of advertising legislation during the electoral process and during the period between the elections are also identified.

The article also shows that the issue in question is not fully studied by legal scientists. The research, in particular, emphasises on the lack of comprehensive definition of political advertising and its legal regulation during the period between the elections. The article draws attention to the incorrectness in law legal regulation of political advertising by the laws regulating commercial advertising. The legal acts, that influence the results of elections are specified, in particular, the author pays attention to the state budget funding for political parties. Reducing Government expenditure can preserve the principle of absolute equality among political actors, so they could participate constructively in the elections. The best thing to do considering the circumstances is to adopt a new law on political advertising or to to amend the existing Act, that regulates advertising in general. As a result, it is proved that political advertising is not limited to the electoral process and must be governed by legislation. The article also states that any law in this area also should comply with international law, especially with acts adopted by the European Union.

The purpose of this article is to examine potential trends in the development of the political system of Ukraine after the end of the Russia-Ukraine war. Social changes always take place taking into account both subjective and objective circumstances. Currently the Ukrainian state relies on three pillars for further transformation of political institutions: 1) the Ukrainian value-mental tradition, 2) our own experience of democratic development in recent decades, 3) the political will to embrace European values. The latter means that Ukraine voluntarily undertook the obligation to meet the Copenhagen criteria, including to demonstrate the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. In the political circles of Ukraine, there is a "plan to restart the state", which boils down to structural changes in the system of public administration. Ukraine needs qualitative changes in the system of political relations, it is necessary to eliminate the contradiction between the form and content of political institutions. Archaic practices, nepotism, eastern methods of holding power by suppressing the opposition, corruption in the state apparatus and purely criminal practices are hidden behind the modern facade. War not only destroys, but also gives impulses for development through the mobilization of the nation's forces. We have a chance to restart political institutions and consolidate new structures born of war. We must pay attention to the institution of national resistance, which, through the movement of territorial defense and the volunteer movement, led to a situation of social filtering. As a result, strata of people crystallized, for whom the public good is higher than selfish interests. It is important not to lose the energy of the masses after the war and to use the patriotic movement to build political institutions.

The article identifies the place and role of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukraine by taking into consideration that the network of religious organizations in our country is one of the largest on the European continent. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukrainian Orthodoxy. During more than thousand years the Orthodoxy, despite the conflicts between the churches and their believers in past and present is still the most widespread Christian confession in Ukraine. Moreover, it saved a tendency to the inner unity, including creation of the Local Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU). Obtaining by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on January 6, 2019 from the Ecumenical Patriarchate the Thomas was an important step in founding of independent and competent national church. This is also evidenced by the fact that during the first year of existing of the OCU the number of its parishes increase up to 7,000, not less important is the fact that three churches: The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Hellenic Church and the Patriarchate of Alexandria recognized the OCU and this already testifies its international acceptance as the part of Orthodoxy.
Undoubtedly, the Russian occupation of Crimea and Putin's war in Donbas and the support of these shameful actions by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and its Ukrainian branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP) served to the political choices and self-identification of a big part of Ukrainian believers and it gives hope for the gradual stabilization (deconflictization) of interconfessional relations in the Ukrainian Orthodoxy.

Review of the monograph of V.A. Yavir "Ethnopolitical integration and desintegration in the modern world": political and legal concept. Кyiv : Logos 2018. – 468 c.

The topic of the monograph Yavir VA Ethnopolitical Integration and Disintegration in the Modern World: A Political and Legal Concept is made using interdisciplinary analysis, taking into account the concepts of political science and law, and is topical in view of the processes of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration within globalization and globalization. It systematizes the peculiarities of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration of individual states and on the basis of it developed a political and legal concept of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration.

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.

The main topic of the article is the analysis of political views and ideological conceptions of the Ukrainian political emigration after WWII also known as the Third wave of Emigration. According to the done overview it is shown, that the Ukrainian political emigration of the after-war period was politically and ideologically heterogeneous community which activity in political area on theoretical and practical levels had mostly conflicting character. The common principles were however the idea of the national independent of Ukraine as well as aspiration to overthrow of the Soviet communist power. Meanwhile the differences in the views of the most influenced political circles consisted in various strategies and tactics of the liberation struggle, in search for allies and the definition of their own role in the liberation movement. An important point for elaboration of principles and methods of the national liberation was the attitude to the Soviet Ukraine, and the positions of different political parties in this case were extended from its recognition as formal and limited form of the national statehood till the deny of its political subjectivity and proclaiming it as a territory occupied by Moscow bolshevist power. An important aspect of the question of attitude towards Soviet Ukraine by different political groups was the fact of the membership of the Ukrainian SSR in the UNO as well as the interpretation of the international and legal role of this fact in the context of defending of political sovereignty and rights of Ukraine. On these examples it is shown, that political views of the Ukrainian emigration constituted a wide pluralistic spectrum from the left to the right political opinions.

The article is devoted to the socio-psychological analysis of the image of a political leader in the space of thinking of Ukrainian student youth. The problems of the implementation of the political choice of student youth in the process of socio-political changes are revealed. As politics began to be perceived as personalized, through the prism of personal characteristics of particular political figures, it is relevant to study the role of the image of a political leader, which is characterized by the transformation of personal and professional qualities. The paper presents a comparative analysis of the results of an empirical study of the image of a political leader in the space of thinking of student youth conducted at the Nizhyn Mykola Gogol State University and Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University in 2011-2019. The article presents that formed image of the politician determines the level of political activity during elections. A comparative analysis of the results obtained concerning the priorities of student youth reveals the most important political quality of the political leader for student youth – his social orientation and concern for the people. The results of the comparative analysis indicate an increase in the political subjectivity of youth, but negative emotions (disappointment) impede the willingness for responsible participation in political life. Three groups of factors are identified that mediate the process of perception by the electorate of a political leader. Features of vertical and horizontal involvement of a citizen in political activity are revealed. The peculiarities of changing attitudes and the value-normative orientation of the political consciousness of modern students are demonstrated.

The article provides reflexive analysis of the key factors of the cessation of armed conflict in the East of Ukraine and the return of the temporarily occupied regions of Donetsk to Lugansk oblasts under the authority and jurisdiction of our sovereign state.
As the oldest works on war and peace (Sun Tzu) are known, the longer the armed struggle is, the more difficult it ends with a just world, therefore, a wide range of approaches are usually proposed for resolving the armed conflict in the Donbass: from a compromise with the aggressor to victorious plans and strategies for a military solution to the liberation of captured territories. In the pre-election period, Ukrainian political parties, without theoretical justification, propose such populist approaches to solving difficult military-political problems. Our approach is based on the identification of the causes and consequences of the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the ORD and LO, the importance of adhering to the principles of international law, humanism and progress in the conduct of state policy, recognition of the factors of the key - activity factor of the peacemaking of multinational forces whose phenomenon is not explicated, theoretically unclear as to the peculiarities of the socio-political and humanitarian situation in the Donbass. Peacekeeping as a relatively new international legal and humanitarian phenomenon is attributed to the peaceful measures of the world community, which, according to the UN Charter, is taking "other measures" for the restoration of peace and the prevention of humanitarian catastrophes. His controversial nature follows from the fact that, on the one hand, the United Nations does not interpret its Statute, as "the right to intervene in cases that are essentially within the competence of any state, and on the other hand, it must take all measures for the establishment and preservation of peace.
He peculiarity of the use of multinational peacekeeping forces in the East of Ukraine is its work on the basis of the UN Charter, the synthesis of humanitarian, political, social missions, military and civilian control over the humanitarian situation, which could lead to disaster.

The aim of the article is to demonstrate the potential of sociological concepts by Italian political scientist and sociologist Donatella Della Porta and American sociologist Drew Halfmann, to analyze political participation and motivation for it, to determine a new perspective for understanding the essence of political participation, the factors by which political involvement can be transformed. Within the framework of the analysis of D. Della Porta's concept, the features of the organization of social movements and the mobilization of their participants in the information society are outlined, based on the emergence of horizontal ties between the participants of social movements based on the formation of identity, solidarity, collective actions and democratic innovations. The features of citizens' political participation and the process of opinion formation in connection with the functioning of communicative spaces with high discursive quality are described. Attention is drawn to the D. Della Porta's concept of political consumerism, which defines heuristic possibilities for studying political participation through the lens of political consumption and demonstrative behavior, as well as identifying factors influencing political participation (belonging to a group, hedonism, demonstration of a certain way of life, etc.). Within the framework of the analysis of the concept of D. Halfmann, the specificity of the implementation of social policy and its influence on citizens, the success of social movements depending on the political context are considered. D. Halfmann's argument regarding the conceptual advantages of using the term "political context" to identify institutional conditions and factors conducive to political participation is outlined, and the author's position on the expediency of using the term "political opportunity" is indicated, taking into account the institutional, structural and dynamic factors of the political system. The tools that can facilitate the mobilization of social movement participants, in particular the grotesque proposed by D. Halfmann and meme as its counterpart in modern society, are considered.

The article explores official political discourse of Ukraine and its interpretation on the subject of constructing the concept of "reform". The main methods of sociological information obtaining and analyzing were preliminary content analysis of the selected sources and discourse analysis of the collected information. The theoretical and practical significance of the work located in adaptation of the cognitive theory of discourse and critical discourse analysis to sociological research and also conceptualization the category of discursive construct. During the analysis, forms of constructing of reform concept within the framework of political discourse have been developed. The official, constructive and oppositional forms of construction were highlighted, a number of illustrations from the meetings of the VRU are applied. On the basis of this, a symbolic struggle is described around the concept of "reform", in which discursive elements of the construction of reality became the main tool for winning an audience. The most common informational occasions and implications on the part of the official (European integration and democratization) and the opposition forms of construction (social inequality, pauperization of the population and the incorrect implementation of reforms by political competitors) are identified. It is emphasized that the contexts and meanings of the symbolic struggle is aimed at the electorate, and not at political competitors, therefore society as an object of discourse is interpreted as a victim of symbolic violence, and the concept of reform is interpreted as an instrument of this process. We established within the framework of research: the general declarative nature of Ukraine's political discourse about the category of reform, as well as the formation of this discursive unit as a subject of symbolic struggle within the framework of opposition-coalition conflicts through the exploitation of the doxa format in all studied fields; the background process of loss of universal sense by the category of «reform» through its excessive exploitation within the framework of political discourse in order to achieve the favor of society. Methodological limitations and heuristic perspectives are described also.

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed.
The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities.
The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.

An activity of the Ukrainian Workers and Peasants Union (UWPU) headed by Levko Lukyanenko in West Ukraine at the end of the 1950s to the beginning of the 1960s was a manifestation of the struggle for independence of Ukraine. Contemporary historiography studies the UWPU's activity in the context of looking for new forms and methods of the political resistance to the Soviet system in West Ukraine without using the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The result of the struggle depended on the ability to consolidate a whole society by the leaders of the national liberation movement. In the article we shall study the ideas about unity of the Ukrainian society and potential factors of its consolidation in the program documents of the UWPU. A task in hand of the UWPU was "to unmask before workers and peasants an irreconcilable opposite of their interests and the interests of the bureaucratic officialdom as well to compel the direction to comply in the sphere of increasing freedoms of people. Nevertheless an addition complication in the UWPU's propaganda in West Ukraine was Lykyanenko's and Kandyba's, the leading members' belonging to the system of the Soviet justice which was a part of the party and state structure and estranged deeply from people. The UWPU proclaimed a start of a new stage of struggle for the independence of Ukraine by the most conscientious workers and peasants which are united all over Ukraine and do not communicate with each other. The struggle of the UWPU for Ukraine's secession from the USSR should be peaceful and according to the Soviet constitution on the tactic and ideological grounds. The UWPU has thought that the idea of the independent Ukraine is only one possible idea which could unite the whole Ukrainian people, exploited by the Russian Soviet colonialist polotics workers and peasants deprived of their rights. The programme of the Union opposed the whole Ukrainian people to the Ukrainian Communists, the representatives of the party and state officialdom, as obedient representatives of the colonial administration. The members of the UWPU, high-principled Marxists, proclaimed their unstinting support the struggle of the Ukrainian Uprising Army for the independence of Ukraine and blamed an armed repression by the Soviet state the Ukrainian underground in West Ukraine. Taking into account the Ukrainian people changed during centuries of slavery and a social oppression the UWPU's programme does not only presume to challenge the presence of the protest potential of the Ukrainian people but also affirms that in time the Ukrainian people's aspiration to independence develops widely and its struggle for the independence becomes fiercer. The UWPU suggests to campaign among workers and peasants for the uniting the whole Ukrainian people for the struggle for Ukrainian state independency, as well to win representatives of other nationalities which live in Ukraine, and fight for general democratization of the state structure in the USSR

Based on the ideas of historicism and continuity in the development of political and scientific concepts, the article traces the influence of the Cyril and Methodius concept on the creation of an independent state on the principles of respect of the national identity of the Ukrainian people, its leading role in liberating all Slavic peoples from the tsarist government and choosing democratic institutions and the structure of the state following the example of the Federation of North American States. On this basis, the further humanistic tradition of Ukrainians in creating their own military sphere is revealed. Insufficient attention to it had led to sad consequences - the inability to defend the revolutionary achievements of the civil war in the 20s of the last century, the defeat of the national liberation armed resistance to the Stalinist-Bolshevik regime of 30-40's XX centuries in Western Ukraine, the lack of modern military doctrine at the intersection of the XX - XXI centuries and a weakened military organization, which at first could not adequately resist Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine.
However, the positive influence of the Methodists on this part of the national spirit and existence was to foster a new generation of fighters, humanists, scientists to activism and the creation of a theory (doctrine) of the Ukrainian national military sphere. The concept of the Cyril and Methodius was a synchronous liberation movement of Ukrainians together with other Slavic peoples, to jointly oppose the tsar and rely on the strength of the armed people, without elaborating on the army, military organization in general. According to the methodological guidelines, to evaluate the achievements of predecessors not by mistakes, but by what had been done, the humanistic tendency of prominent members of the society to struggle for the freedom in Ukraine is revealed. Cyril and Methodius inspired (Ipokrena) a new generation of fighters, humanists, scientists of the "Kiev" military-theoretical school to substantiate the peculiarities of the Ukrainian national military sphere.
The next generation of Ukrainian thinkers managed to realize the urgent need to create the theoretical foundations of the military sphere on the borderline synthesis of democracy, humanism, revolutionary romance of members of the Cyril and Methodius Society with strict requirements of military necessity.

The publishing activity of Yurij Tyshchenko (Siryi) in Ukraine and emigration (1907–1953) as one of the brightest representatives of the process of Ukrainian revival of the first half of the XX century is traced. It is analysed the efforts of a prominent Ukrainian on business in the awakening of national consciousness, forming of identity, knowledge dissemination among the great masses of Ukrainians, distribution of Ukrainian books in Ukraine and in the world through organizing and operation of publishing houses "Dzvin", "UT Publishing House (Yurij Tyshchenko)", active public activity. It is updated the book products of the publishing houses, managed by Yu. Tyshchenko, from the fund of the Foreign Ukrainistics Department of the Bibliology Institute of Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine. Special attention is paid to scientific, popular science, educational and children's book. There are given content and book characteristics and there are found out the ways of distribution of the Ukrainian book in emigration conditions. There are traced the relationship of the enterprises managed by Yu.Tyshchenko with Ukrainian establishments, organizations and public associations in emigration and in Ukraine. On the example of activity of Yu.
Tyshchenko in emigration, it is shown the complexity of publishing process organization and the life and activities of Ukrainian political emigration abroad. Considerable attention is paid to the works of Yu. Tyshchenko himself, prepared, published and reprinted in Ukraine and the diaspora. The personal connections and cooperation of Yu.
Tyshchenko with prominent Ukrainian scientific, political and public figures of the first half of the XX century are revealed. Attention is accented on the contribution of a prominent Ukrainian figure in the development of Ukrainian book publishing, book distribution, Ukrainian cultural and national revival. On the example of Yu. Tyshchenko's activity in emigration, the complexity of the organization of the publishing process and the life and activity of Ukrainian political emigration abroad is shown.