Suchergebnisse

Post-Soeharto Indonesia, known as the era of reform and democracy, has not been able to inhibit corrupt behaviour by state officials at the central and local government levels, in legislative and executive institutions, or in the judiciary as a judicial institution. This article discusses and analyses the corruption process carried out by state officials, especially those occupying legislative, executive, and special judicial institutions at the central government level in interacting with each other and with outside institutions. The public's hope that ongoing democracy will be able to limit political corruption in Indonesia is only an illusion, considering the democracy model that developed in Indonesia post-Soeharto led to a patronage democracy, namely the interaction of power between state institutions which is based on mutually beneficial considerations. Another consideration is that the institution that administers justice which serves as law enforcement agency is involved in corrupt practices.

: Employing a qualitative approach, the present study outlooks the political participation of people in Denpasar, Bali, with regard to the 2020 regional head election in the city during COVID-19 pandemic. Data were garnered through observation and documentation. The findings of this study informed that societies participated in the election with the belief that their interest are accommodated by political parties. Although the election was done during pandemic, the stakeholders carried out strict health protocol of COVID-19 in order to prevent the virus dissemination among societies. Based on the findings, this study suggest that the regional head election has an impact on the relationship between political parties at the regional level and the central level, in which, the central executive board always exercises hegemony towards regional party administrators in providing support recommendations for regional head candidates. KEYWORDS: political participation, Balinese, r

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership

This research deals with the frameworks of political analysis of the issue of the demonstrations in the news bulletins of the Iraqi satellite channels represented by Al-Iraqiya, Dijla and Al-Atija channels, which were selected according to an exploratory study conducted by him. Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The researcher concluded to a sample of the public that these channels are the most followed, and the orientations of these three channels differ, where Al-Iraqiya TV represents the official view of the state, while Dijla TV represents a partisan viewpoint opposing the government's policy. While the channel represents the Islamic line and then one of the channels of the Union of Islamic Radios and Channels in Iraq, the research problem was represented in the main question "What are the frameworks for political analysis of the issue of demonstrations in Iraq. Iraqi satellite news releases? This research is descriptive research, and the researcher used the survey method and the content analysis tool, where he analyzed the eight pm news bulletins for the chosen period and mentioned in the time domain of the research, so the analysis was done in a comprehensive inventory method: (an interview represented by (55) interviews on the trend channel, and (50) interviews on Al-Iraqiya channel, and (40) interviews. Interviews on Dijla channel, the researcher reached a number of results, the most important of which are: 1. The frameworks for the proposed solutions to the issue of the demonstrations came first within the frameworks mentioned in the political analysis, due to the interest of political analysts in resolving the issue before it is too late and the situation recedes. Al-Iraqiya channel topped this framework and tried to find solutions and avoid a collision between the government and the demonstrators and sought calm. 2. The warning framework came in second place among the frameworks, and the warning frameworks launched by political analysts varied, including warnings to the government in dealing with the ...

Political propaganda is one of the most significant tools in psychological warfare since it influences and manages public opinion. Political propaganda of all kinds and its shady forms manifested itself in the speeches of American administrations and electoral campaigns following the events of September 11, 2001, particularly in the speeches of President George W. Bush, the son thirsty for war, and the speeches of others who followed him, through which Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran were targeted with false information. By the American institutions and government agencies themselves, the main goal of all of this is to maintain geostrategic control over the oil of Iran and other oil countries, and the ability to control global oil prices and available quantities and to ensure that oil reaches the allies of the United States of America, and to prevent it from competitors with the aim of weakening their geostrategic influence.

This paper examines the impact of undecided voters in elections campaigns in Israel. The question asked here is if undecided voters can break the political dead-lock which became evident in four consecutive elections in just two years – between 2019 and 2021. The paper argues that the crucial role of undecided voters is the result of four main developments. The first is the multi-party parliamentary system, which allows the voters to swing between different parties and influence on handful of options to form coalition government. The parliamentary system emphasizes the excessive and crucial role of small parties to determine who will be in power – which means that they are in a position to impose their extreme ideology on the entire society. The second is that participation in elections is constantly declining, increasing the impact of motivated voters who follow the campaigns closely before making their final decision. The fact that this audience is persuaded by specific events and not by ideology or social identity allows to maximize the impact of their vote. The third is related to technological and cultural changes. Digital and social media have become popular among Israeli young people and first time voters, allowing them to promote new social and political behavior and bypass the censorship of traditional media and the traditional ideology of non-first time voters and the old political establishment.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- Chapter 7 -- Chapter 8 -- Chapter 9 -- Chapter 10 -- Chapter 11 -- Chapter 12 -- Chapter 13 -- Chapter 14 -- Chapter 15 -- Chapter 16 -- Chapter 17 -- Chapter 18 -- Chapter 19 -- Chapter 20 -- About the Contributors.

Cover -- Content -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- Chapter 7 -- Chapter 8 -- Chapter 9 -- Chapter 10 -- Chapter 11 -- Chapter 12 -- Chapter 13 -- Chapter 14 -- Chapter 15 -- Chapter 16 -- Chapter 17 -- Chapter 18 -- Chapter 19 -- Chapter 20 -- Appendix -- Acknowledgement -- Photos.

If there was a referendum in Mozambique today, an overwhelming majority of the people would vote against their government having anything to do with the current model of democracy. They know all too well that there has definitely been a considerable welfare reduction to them as a result of the way this thing called "Representative Democracy" has been being played out in their country during the past decade. There is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of the Mozambican people if not, most African governments would prefer to see fundamental changes in their countries' relations with this Western model of democracy. There is a virtual consensus among the general public, vocally expressed in the local media, as well as among officials, who naturally prefer putting forth their views in more private settings, that the relationship between citizen and the democratic institutions has been detrimental to the country, that far from helping it to become politically and economically viable, these institutions have been capitalising on, exacerbating and perpetuating Mozambique's crisis. The research was based on participant observation, and it also involved a bibliographic review of relevant documents in the area of political participation, philosophy and other documents such as the 2004 Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, Mozambican legislation, reports and research already published by other organizations.