Suchergebnisse

Community participation in the use of voting rights becomes the most important indicator of the success of regional elections. However, the recapitulation result of PILGUBSU year 2018 shows the participation rate of the city of Medan as big 55.80%, so not achieved target of KPU Medan City for 78% and community participation of Medan Maimun subdistrict only 48.12% which makes the participation lowest of the 21 subdistricts in the city of Medan. This research aims to analyze the political participation of the city of Medan in PILGUBSU in 2018 (case study: community of subdistricts Medan Maimun. The research method used is a qualitative descriptive. Analysis of data used refers to the opinion of Milles and Huberman among others: data reduction, display data and draw conclusions. The results showed first, the hierarchy of political participation of the subdistricts community. Medan Maimun is dominated by participation in the giving of votes and apathy total. Secondly, the factors influencing community participation in PILGUBSU year 2018 are: Political consciousness, belief in government, social status and economic status, political affiliation of parents and organizational experience.

Urgent actions that need to examined agenda now is how to efforts to improve the community political participation, particularly relating to the role of civil society. Paradigm shift from state centered become society centered give a higher probability to the community to continue to and to develop the democracy in this country. As part of national components, youth cannot escape from political and evasive, for all people including the youth is zoon politicon or political creature. Youth becomes one of targets in goals in any election and general election. This is because the youth often still floating, so that it becomes rebutan for candidates and political parties who fought in elections / general election. Besides, focus examined in this post is the role of karangtaruna. Karangtaruna have strong relationships with youths, where are the early karangtaruna can be followed by a youth.The organization has any important to gain political participation of youth.

Youth voters potential in Indonesia is quite large due to the significant number of voters. However, the potential of low level of political participation in society, especially among first-time voters are also predicted to increase with the increasing public apathy due to the poor performance of the elected government. Electoral education is a strategic mean to address these problems. Unfortunately since the beginning of the democratic election, after the new regime era, the Election Organizer (KPU) has not yet doing the electoral education and has been using the sameprogrammatic approach which isvoter information which only a temporary solution. Political parties also are still not up to running a electoral education functions as mandated by the law.It needs a mutual commitmentfrom the government and political parties to involve all elements of society such as CSO and educational institutions to start doing programmatic electoral/voter education to improve not only the rate of voter participation in elections but also the overall political participation.

This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.

The rise of corruption cases that occur in Indonesia today, if we see corruption cases in Indonesia every year is always increasing, not decreasing, this causes people to feel angry with corruptors. The percentage and network of corruption Angelina Sondakh of the Supreme Court Judge's Decision No. 1616k / Pis.Sus / 2013 is quite interesting to examine especially if we can see who the dominant actors are in this case, both from the planning process, the bidding process, the bid evaluation process, and implementation and evaluation. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach which illustrates the phenomenon of Angelina sondakh corruption case in the Supreme Court's Decision No. 1616 K / Pid.Sus / 2013. Descriptive analysis in this study uses the Nvivo 12 Plus software. Data from this study were sourced from the Supreme Court Decision No. 1616 K / Pid.Sus / 2013 and previous research relating to the Corruption of Angelina Sondakh. The results of this discussion The conclusions that the author can take from the presentation of the analysis above are based on the decision of the Supreme Court No. 1616 K / Pid.Sus / 2013 analyzed with Nvivo 12 Plus in general from the four processes above can be seen Corporate 9.05%, Government 7.62%, Political Parties 0.32% and Political Consultants 0%. Keyword: Corruption; Bribery; Network

The concept of democracy in Indonesia actually has already exists at the grassroots level, which is in the village, and thus, to create democracy should be from the bottom. At this level, we would know how to create, strengthening, and consolidating democracy in regional even in national level. Hence, the core institution for democratization is the Village at the grassroots level. This case study research conducted in Sunyalangu Village, Central Java, Indonesia that is include to a poor village in Banyumas region and thus, it become a marginal village. I examine their political cultures on national general elections from 1971 to 2004 and the relationships between village's executive and legislative roles on the lowest level of democratization. This focus shows how empirical democracy created. The result of this research shows that their political cultures is inconsistence in elects their political parties and representatives because of personal needs and their moral economy to the political party. Moreover, the village government (local executive) is still dominates the relationship with local parliament (BPD) because of the institutional and geographical constraints at the grassroots level. The implication of this situation is to re-think the concept of democracy in grassroots level by creating the democracy culture.

This study investigates the differences between the SOEs and non-SOEs financial performance and how the presidential election affects their performance. This study uses 3,716 firm-year observations for firms listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2001 to 2014 as the final sample and uses regression to test the hypotheses. In Indonesia, on average, about 25 parties involved in the presidential election in the past three elections. Due to the complexity of the data collection, this study omits the effect of the unique political parties that also could affect the performance of SOE. This study finds that SOEs outperform financial performance of non-SOEs over the sample periods. Interestingly, this study also finds that the excellent financial performance of SOEs disappears around the election period. It indicates that being a board member of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) is a political position rather than a professional position. For policymakers, these results indicate that election periods influence (reduce) the financial performance of SOEs in Indonesia. This study enhances our understanding of how presidential elections affect the performance of SOEs in Indonesia.

The study of the kyai is always interesting to discuss, especially when it comes to politics. Because the study of clerics is a multidimensional statement. This means that the study of kyai can not only be seen from one aspect (kyai as a religious figure) but can be seen from other aspects (his views on politics). Therefore, the involvement of the kyai in the political process of the regional head election is inevitable, because the kyai is one of the local elites who can contribute to the process of political learning in democracy. With its charisma is able to provide knowledge to the community in making choices. However, the involvement of the kyai in politics can also have a negative impact on the learning of democratization, because it is not uncommon for the kyai who has close relations with his students to use these weapons to gain significant support that can divert the political choices of their students to win one of the candidates supported by the kyai the. Because the santri relationship with the kyai is not only limited to the world of pesantren, but also has an influence in determining political choices. Ideally in the realm of Democracy, aspirations should not be represented by elites in direct elections, the people are fully entitled to weigh, evaluate, and propose candidates for regional heads and choose who is suitable and considered worthy of being their leader through the processes and mechanisms that apply. Likewise with the regional head Candidates, their political rights should not be castrated by the existing elite by marginalizing the nominating exchange because they are not included in the nominated deliberations. However, this is not the case in Pamekasan and on the contrary, regional head candidates are determined by the existing elite (kyai) and submitted to political parties. So that regional head candidates do not come out of the conversion process within political parties but are born from external parties. At this point, there seems to be a process of duping because it is assumed that the people cannot choose an appropriate figure as their leader. This mindset is very hurting the course of political development in the country. Today's people are getting smarter, being able to distinguish which leaders are good or not. Therefore in determining the candidates, the people's aspirations should not be taken over by the elite. If this problem continues then it is at this point that the Democratic Fetus has been killed at the hands of the elite. ; Kajian tentang kyai selalu menarik untuk dibahas, apalagi jika berkaitan dengan politik. Karena kajian tentang kyai merupakan kaljian yang bersifat multidimensional. Artinya studi tentang kyai tidak hanya bisa dilihat dari satu aspek saja (kyai sebagai tokoh agama) akan tetapi bisa dilihat dari aspek yang lain (pandangannya dalam berpolitik). Oleh karena itu keterlibatan kyai dalam proses politik pemilihan kepala daerah tidak bisa dihindarkan, karena kyai merupakan salah satu elit local yang dapat memberikan kontribusi terhadap proses pembelajaran politik dalam berdemokrasi. Dengan kharismanya mampu memberikan pengetahuan kepada masyarakat dalam menentukan pilihan. Namun, keterlibatan kyai dalam politik juga bisa memberikan dampak negative dalam pembelajaran demokratisasi, karena tidak jarang kyai yang mempunyai hubungan erat dengan para santrinya menggunakan senjata tersebut untuk memperoleh dukungan yang signifikan yang bisa mengalihkan pilihan politik para santrinya untuk memenangkan salah satu kandidat yang didukung oleh kyai tersebut. Karena hubungan santri dengan kyai tidak hanya sebatas pada dunia pesantren, melainkan juga mempunyai pengaruh dalam menentukan pilihan politik. Idealnya di dalam alam Demokrasi, aspirasi tidak boleh diwakili oleh elit didalam pemilihan langsung, rakyat sepenuhnya berhak menimbang, menilai, serta mengajukan calon kepala daerah dan memilihnya siapa yang pantas dan dianggap layak sebagai pemimpinanya melalui proses dan mekanisme yang berlaku. Begitu juga dengan Calon kepala daerah, hak politiknya tidak boleh dikebiri oleh elit yang ada dengan cara meminggirkan dari bursa pencalonan karena tidak masuk dalam nominasi yang dimusyawarahkan. Namun tidak begitu dengan yang terjadi di Pamekasan dan justru sebaliknya, calon kepala daerah di tentukan oleh elit-elit (kyai) yang ada dan diajukannya kepada partai politik. Sehingga kandidat kepala daerah tidak keluar dari proses konversi didalam partai politik melainkan lahir dari kalangan ekternal elit partai. Didalam titik ini, terkesan ada proses pembodohan karena diasumsikan rakyat tidak bisa memilih figur yang layak sebagai pemimpinnya. Pola pikir demikian sangat melukai jalannya pembangunan politik di tanah air. Rakyat saat ini sudah semakin cerdas, bisa membedakan mana pemimpin yang bagus ataupun tidak. Oleh karenanya dalam penentuan calon, tidak selayaknya aspirasi rakyat diambil alih oleh elit. Jika masalah ini terus berlangsung maka didalam titik inilah Janin Demokrasi sudah terbunuh di tangan para elit.

Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.

General description of women's participation in the political world in Indonesia representation is very low at all levels of decision making, both at the executive, legislative and judicial levels in the government bureaucracy, political parties both in other public societies. In this case the low quality of women's participation in politics occurs in Bali, namely in the executive ranks. Likewise, at the echelon II level, there were no women who obtained the position, that is, from the number of village heads in Bali there were no women who held more positions as lurah, even if there were only a few. In addition, in the organization of the Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (LPM) in Bali, it is rare and there may not be women who become the Bendesa Adat or Bendesa Pakraman. This is also evident in the management of other organizations such as youth clubs and sekuna teruna. In an organization like this it is rare to find women becoming chairpersons or electing a chairperson as chairman or vice chairman. Based on this, a gender perspective is considered by involving men and women in the basic decision-making process of democratic work that will lead to equality.

Society certainly crave a more prosperous life, safe, peaceful, able to feed their family properly and wants other ideal. In today's the countries in the world of hopes and ideals via a mechanism known system and democracy. New mechanisms are emerging as the insistence of the Reformation is the insistence of Indonesia's regions to secede from the parent that we often refer to as autonomy. Insistence that gave birth to hundreds of new areas, both at the provincial and district / city emerged in Indonesia today. On one hand if we look at it positively, it is possible as the manifesto of a high sense of community ownership of their respective regions as well as the willingness to self-determination. On the other hand new problems arise as well as political risk, which appears sectarianism "sons of the soil" who gave birth to tribalism and excessive primordialism, resource conflict, conflict of interest, rampant corruption among local officials and that no harm is less conflict among local political elites in a fight over power and the existence of self and group interests in the name of the people. Risks in above which we discuss in this research study, with a focus study on the tug between the interests of local political elites in the division of the district of Pangandaran. With purposive sampling method of data collection and methods of interactive analysis, the study seeks to illustrate how the actual role, political intrigues and interests the desired political elites in the expansion of Pangandaran. How well conflict of interest occurs in the process of expansion of this district of Pangandaran. Hopefully this research is useful for those who want to further examine the processes and dynamics that occur, and how political elites play political roles.

The role of KPUD as election organizer includes socialization and administrative services. The purpose of public services is supported by the enactment of Law No. 15 of 2011 on the election. Implementation in the context of regional autonomy is expected to prioritize the public interest, especially in the provision of public facilities. The research problem is how the Role of Regional General Elections Commission on Political Participation Pemilih Pemula Pemilihan Pemilihan Gianyar District of Bali Province. The purpose of this research is to know the role of Regional Election Commission to Political Participation of Pemilih Pemula Pemilihan Pemilihan Gianyar Regency. This research was conducted by using qualitative research method consisting of 3 flow ie data reduction, data presentation and verification. Based on data analysis, it is stated that the role of KPUD conducted by KPUD to the public is good enough. This can be seen from the Role of KPUD in Pemilukada Political Participation Pemilih Pemula in PIlkada. and that is sigmentation, socialization, political information, voting rights. Some suggestions that can be proposed that will be expected to improve the implementation of good socialization, namely the Election Commission need to be faster in conducting socialization to the pemil pemilih community to achieve the desired goal, namely the satisfaction of society. In addition, the KPUD needs to give the voters a chance to monitor the voting process in the elections. Initial voters are registered as voters in the election. It is necessary to involve the pemuga pemilih to participate in socialization conducted by KPUD.

Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.

The issue of political dowry, relatively, becomes a sustainable warning of problems in every general election in Indonesia. Such as the issue of Sandiaga Uno, who provided political dowry in the 2019 presidential election. The allegation was started by the Deputy of General-secretary of the Party of Democrat, Andi Arief, who stated that Sandiaga Uno had provided 500 billion rupiahs to PAN and PKS respectively so that those two parties would support him to nominate as the Candidate of Vice President for Prabowo Subianto. Political dowry has been a serious issue and almost constantly becomes an interesting topic to be reported and studied in every general election. Although it is popular, the issue of political dowry is a case that is relatively difficult to prove its truth (court decisions). In fact, explicitly, political dowry has been regulated in Article 228 on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning the General Election (Election Law). However, it does not expressly provide a deterrent effect to the political dowry actors. This reality becomes the basis of encouragement in conducting this research. The theory used in this research is legal politics and law enforcement. While the method used is normative legal research with a statutory, conceptual, and comparative approach. The output of this paper is that the handling of political dowry cases in the presidential election needs a serious concern. And then, the regulation on sanctions, which still be administrative in nature, against the actors of political dowry in the Election Law is considered to be inappropriate. So that criminal policy is needed to strengthen the law enforcement and strict legal instruments against criminal acts of political dowry in the future election (ius constituendum).

The objective of this study is to identify the dynamic aspect of relationships among the members of tarekat that accompany political development. This study is conducted in the region of Kudus, central Java, The respondencs are the leaders (guru), as well as followers (murid) of two groups of tarekat named Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah and Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah. The present study has interviewed 15 leaders and 50 followers.