The article, seeking an answer to the question of the role of political parties in the life of each modern democratic state and society, focuses on one of the key issues of the existence of each political party - their funding. Having established that state support in trying to protect these political entities from the potential influence of external individual donors, based on the experience of foreign countries it is necessary to provide insights into the possible models of such financing, their advantages and disadvantages. The article also reviews recent attempts to change the funding model of political parties in the Republic of Lithuania and the reasons for such attempts, and presents arguments that justify the possible influence of such inspirations on political processes in the country.
The article, seeking an answer to the question of the role of political parties in the life of each modern democratic state and society, focuses on one of the key issues of the existence of each political party - their funding. Having established that state support in trying to protect these political entities from the potential influence of external individual donors, based on the experience of foreign countries it is necessary to provide insights into the possible models of such financing, their advantages and disadvantages. The article also reviews recent attempts to change the funding model of political parties in the Republic of Lithuania and the reasons for such attempts, and presents arguments that justify the possible influence of such inspirations on political processes in the country.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate the relationship between modern political science and Romanticism. This is done by using Carl Schmitt's conception of political romanticism and proposing some corrections to it. Schmitt failed to notice important similarities between the scientific concept of causa and the romantic concept of occasio. Modern political science is based on the same assumptions as the modern art of the romantic tradition. The researches of political science are conditioned by an unpolitical relationship with reality.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the factors influencing the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties. The factors are divided into three sets of variables: leaders, political parties and the political system. Variables of the party leader analyse the openness and competitiveness of the election of party leaders, formal and informal powers and roles of party leaders, public speaking on behalf of the party and electoral results. Variables of the political party reveal the age and origins of the party, party organizational models, i.e., whether the party passed through a model of mass party organization, ideological radicalism of political party and the nature of the relationship between parties and their voters. Variables of the political system are discussed through the change of the society and its values on individualism – collectivism axis, the structure of government, the electoral system and the institutionalization of the party system. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with party leaders and other parties' members involved in party decision-making in Labour party, Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, Liberal Movement of Lithuania's Republic, Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats and Party Order and Justice. The qualitative comparative analysis examines the determinants of personalization of political leadership. The empirical research revealed that the main factors determining the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties are non-competitive election of the party leader, a monocratic decision making within the party and the age of the party.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the factors influencing the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties. The factors are divided into three sets of variables: leaders, political parties and the political system. Variables of the party leader analyse the openness and competitiveness of the election of party leaders, formal and informal powers and roles of party leaders, public speaking on behalf of the party and electoral results. Variables of the political party reveal the age and origins of the party, party organizational models, i.e., whether the party passed through a model of mass party organization, ideological radicalism of political party and the nature of the relationship between parties and their voters. Variables of the political system are discussed through the change of the society and its values on individualism – collectivism axis, the structure of government, the electoral system and the institutionalization of the party system. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with party leaders and other parties' members involved in party decision-making in Labour party, Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, Liberal Movement of Lithuania's Republic, Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats and Party Order and Justice. The qualitative comparative analysis examines the determinants of personalization of political leadership. The empirical research revealed that the main factors determining the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties are non-competitive election of the party leader, a monocratic decision making within the party and the age of the party.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the factors influencing the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties. The factors are divided into three sets of variables: leaders, political parties and the political system. Variables of the party leader analyse the openness and competitiveness of the election of party leaders, formal and informal powers and roles of party leaders, public speaking on behalf of the party and electoral results. Variables of the political party reveal the age and origins of the party, party organizational models, i.e., whether the party passed through a model of mass party organization, ideological radicalism of political party and the nature of the relationship between parties and their voters. Variables of the political system are discussed through the change of the society and its values on individualism – collectivism axis, the structure of government, the electoral system and the institutionalization of the party system. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with party leaders and other parties' members involved in party decision-making in Labour party, Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, Liberal Movement of Lithuania's Republic, Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats and Party Order and Justice. The qualitative comparative analysis examines the determinants of personalization of political leadership. The empirical research revealed that the main factors determining the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties are non-competitive election of the party leader, a monocratic decision making within the party and the age of the party.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the factors influencing the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties. The factors are divided into three sets of variables: leaders, political parties and the political system. Variables of the party leader analyse the openness and competitiveness of the election of party leaders, formal and informal powers and roles of party leaders, public speaking on behalf of the party and electoral results. Variables of the political party reveal the age and origins of the party, party organizational models, i.e., whether the party passed through a model of mass party organization, ideological radicalism of political party and the nature of the relationship between parties and their voters. Variables of the political system are discussed through the change of the society and its values on individualism – collectivism axis, the structure of government, the electoral system and the institutionalization of the party system. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with party leaders and other parties' members involved in party decision-making in Labour party, Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, Liberal Movement of Lithuania's Republic, Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats and Party Order and Justice. The qualitative comparative analysis examines the determinants of personalization of political leadership. The empirical research revealed that the main factors determining the personalization of leaders of Lithuanian political parties are non-competitive election of the party leader, a monocratic decision making within the party and the age of the party.
Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.
Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.
Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.
On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.
On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.