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The article analyzes the process of displacing law and its values from political thinking. There are many indications that law and its values are not a point of reference for contemporary politics, which results from the ongoing process of democratization. The coherence of virtues, law and politics, variously approached and variable over time, lasted in European culture for more than a thousand years. The Greek models have been adopted and consolidated by the Romans and Medieval thinkers. The breakthrough is brought by Machiavelli's writings, which radically changed the view of politics, free will, power. The nature of the state ceases to mean providing citizens with a happy life, and it begins to concern security. As a result, law becomes a tool to protect this security effectively. ; Artykuł jest analizą procesu wyparcia prawa i jego wartości z myślenia politycznego. Wiele wskazuje na to, że dla współczesnej polityki prawo i jego wartości nie stanowią punktu odniesienia, za co odpowiada trwający proces demokratyzacji. Koherencja cnót, prawa i polityki, różnie ujmowanych i zmiennych w czasie, trwała w europejskiej kulturze przez ponad tysiąc lat. Greckie wzorce zostały przejęte i ugruntowane przez Rzymian i myślicieli średniowiecznych. Przełomem stało się dopiero pisarstwo Machiavellego, który radykalnie odmienił spojrzenie na politykę, wolną wolę, władzę. Istota państwa przestaje sprowadzać się do zapewnienia obywatelom szczęśliwego życia, a zaczyna dotyczyć bezpieczeństwa. Co za tym idzie prawo staje się narzędziem służącym do tego, by owo bezpieczeństwo skutecznie zabezpieczyć.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive
approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of
political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources
utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

This article is an attempt to address a question of significance of the borderland as a research category in the Polish political science. The authors use information collected in the survey conducted among 223 polish political scientists, who were asked about the importance and explanatory potential of the borderland concept in the political analysis. Since the response rate was low it is impossible to make any generalizations concerning the whole academia of the Polish political science, thus the text is merely a synthesis of the opinions of those who have responded. According to this data, the category of borderland is an important and useful tool in the political analysis, due to its close connection with the changes of the contemporary world like globalization, deteritorialization and regionalization. The borderland category is especially significant in the reflection on the changing status of nation-states and functions of state borders. The article also outlines the basic research themes within which the concept of borderland is employed by the political scientists. The authors conclude with a few methodological and theoretical postulates on applying the category of borderland in political science. ; Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę kategorii pogranicza w polskiej politologii. Opiera się na informacjach uzyskanych w ankiecie skierowanej do 223 polskich politologów, w której zapytano ich o wagę oraz eksplanacyjny potencjał kategorii pogranicza w analizie politologicznej. Niski poziom responsywności uniemożliwia dokonanie generalizacji na całe środowisko politologiczne, dlatego tekst niniejszy jest jedynie syntezą opinii politologów, którzy odpowiedzieli na naszą ankietę. Kategoria pogranicza przedstawiona jest jako ważna i przydatna w analizie politologicznej, przede wszystkim ze względu na jej integralny związek ze współcześnie zachodzącymi zmianami, takimi jak globalizacja, deterytorializacja i regionalizacja. Pogranicze jest szczególnie istotną kategorią w politologicznej refleksji nad zmianą statusu państw narodowych oraz zmieniającą się funkcją granic państwowych. W tekście wyodrębniono również podstawowe konteksty badawcze, w jakich politolodzy wykorzystują pojęcie pogranicza. W końcowej części artykułu autorzy formułują postulaty teoretyczno-metodologiczne dotyczące stosowania kategorii pogranicza w analizie politologicznej.

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination - which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec's paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it's in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering -in this context- fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.

Currently, immigration issues occupy an important place in the debate on the future of Europe. One of the central themes of this debate is the issue of security. In spite of the functioning of supranational integration structures, individual states still remain a fundamental factor in shaping migration. In many cases, the issue of immigration is subjected to the process of securitization, framing immigration as a threat. It is the speech act that is important in this respect, being a kind of securitizing tool. Since 2015, one can notice elements indicating that the process of securitization of immigration has been present in Poland, too, which, among other things, is a consequence of the change of the ruling party, the immigration crisis that has taken place in Europe, and the migration situation on Poland's eastern border. The article presents the factors that influence the process of immigration securitization. Additionally, it includes numerous statements from Polish politicians securitizing the problem of immigrants as well as the results of social surveys on attitudes towards immigration. The analysis of the collected material leads to the conclusion that the securitisation of immigration in Poland is not a completed process and that this process concerns a geographically defined group of immigrants.

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The activization of political parties, stimulated both by the authorities and opposition, and the use of 'new' methods that had not been used before, were an inseparable element of the events of the so-called 'Tulip Revolution'. This time, the political games of the salon were supplemented by the activity aimed at establishing connections with the electorate. The establishment of youth organizations, working with people and active presence in the media and the Internet became an element of political practice. The ultimate success of the opposition parties was that they broke political apathy and stimulated the belief that changes can be achieved via the (passive or active) involvement of the entire community in political events. Yet this was virtually the only success which turned out to be only temporary and did not significantly outlive the 'Tulip Revolution'

The author of the article presents and analyzes the concept of the public sphere which was created by Plessner in the twenties of the twentieth century. It includes the main work of Plessner written in 1923, The Limits of Community: A Critique of Social Radicalism. This book presents two forms of public life organisation: community and society. Plessner shows the important differences in the understanding of the role of the individual in these two forms of human collectivity organisation. Plessner creates its own versions of anthropology for understanding the possibility of different treatment of individuals in the community and in society. He presented this concept in the paper entitled Conditio humana in 1961 which represents one of the main works of political anthropology in the twentieth century. His research effort focuses on the presentation of the role of the public sphere in the social life. Its important characteristic is neutral behavior of people performing the roles in social life. According to Plessner, there are two types of community: a blood-based type and an ideal-based type both of which aspire to control the public sphere. The meaning of Plessner's concept is very broad; both for explaining the totalitarianism creation in Germany as well as for discovering a deeper sense of political changes in the modern world.

Political parties play an important role in the contemporary democratic system, whereby the authority of a majority is constrained by human dignity and human rights. Without parties, there would be no political pluralism, one of the basic legal and systemic principles of the contemporary democratic state. On the practical level, though, the statutory rules governing the financing of political parties – laid down in the Political Parties Act and in the Electoral Code – produce results which weaken Constitutional democracy. An argument for keeping, in principle, the present model – where political parties are financed out of state budget and from other statutory sources – invokes the immanent risk of the system's oligarchization, which would come with the elimination of subsidies and its inevitable outcome, a "privatization" of political parties. Yet the present system of political parties' financing is in need of a major revamp. Most importantly, the changes should make the financing of political parties fully and genuinely transparent and subject to public control – whether in respect of the spending of budgetary resources or funds from membership fees, donations and other sources. The auditing powers of the State Electoral Commission in respect of political parties' financing should be widened and rendered more exercisable. The financing of political parties is supposed to consolidate the democratic system, advance political pluralism, foster the formation and growth of new parties, and promote equal chances in electoral rivalry – rather than servie to stabilize the electoral advantage of the parties with access to public money. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

Artykuł rozważa zmianę w endeckim dyskursie politycznym w okresie rewolucji 1905–1907. Podejmuję w nim analizę zmiany stosunku do "mas". Wizję modernizacji mas traktuję jako specyficzną formę dyskursu nowoczesności – reakcję na niezdeterminowanie, nieadekwatność politycznych instytucji i języków i gwałtowne rozszerzenie realnego uczestnictwa politycznego. Argumentuję, że określona koniunktura czy splot zdarzeń, zarówno z dziedziny myślenia politycznego, jak i procesów społecznych, wytworzyła specyficzną sytuację kryzysu, pewien moment polityczny. Określona reakcja na ten moment – w tym przypadku organicystyczny, hierarchiczny dyskurs wspólnoty i wizja zdyscyplinowanych mas pod endecką kontrolą, zadecydowała o kształcie całości endeckiego myślenia politycznego. Ów efekt ma swoje długofalowe konsekwencje i określa późniejszy kształt ideowy formacji endeckiej. ; The article examines a change in Polish National Democratic (Nationalist) political discourse accompanying the 1905 Revolution. In particular, I scrutinize the change in the conceptualization of "the masses". I consider a particular vision of the modernization of the masses as a form of discourse of modernity. Thus, I see it as a reaction to the indeterminacy of the social inadequacy of existing political institutions and discourses and the rapid widening of actual political participation. I argue that specific conjuncture between lineages of political thinking and social processes created a tipping point: a political moment or crisis. A particular answer for this moment – in this case an organic, hierarchic discourse of community and the envisioned whole of disciplined masses under the nationalistic control – defined the forthcoming shape of the National Democratic program. This resulted in long lasting consequences and defined the overall National Democratic project.

The paper attempts to present the ideas of Robert Michels, known as the author of the "iron law of oligarchy." Unfortunately, this disciple and coworker of Max Weber is relatively unpopular in Poland. His fundamental work has not been published in Polish so far, while his thoughts appear to remain both original and topical. According to Michels, the need for organization and leadership comes from the masses, which tend to be passive and require direction. In the opinion of the author of the Political Parties, the mass character of 'contemporary' social phenomena makes directly-democratic leadership impossible. Even those institutions that are the most fervent supporters of the idea of such democracy are only an 'average' reflection of this ideally-typical system. An average model illustrates to what extent decision- making practices maintain only the appearances of democratic standards whereas the whole system observes an intensifying deficit of direct democracy. Robert Michels discusses the technical and administrative conditions of leadership and its autocratic nature, which is the core of the paper.

Transformations of forms of state political systems go beyond the established division of states into unitary and federal because it does not fully reflect the complexity of issues related to decentralizing reforms. According to the authors, there exist major differences regarding the classification of states at regional and local level, which do not fall into the fixed diversification between a unitary and federal state. The article proposes an extended classification of the recognized political systems, broadened by a regional and local level, which allows us to distinguish a sub-central system. The authors argue that the main criterion of topology is the relations (competences) between the central (state) government and regional and local governments. The observable vertical distribution of power relates to three levels: local self-government, territorial autonomy and subdividions of a federal state. They are not mutually exclusive; rather, they complement one another.

Since 2005, political life in Poland has been largely dominated by a dispute between two parties: Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS). This dispute is not just a rivalry between party leaders on political programs. It is rather a confrontation of the antagonistic views of the voters and supporters of both parties. The unsuccessful talks between the leadership groups of both parties, which did not lead to the formation of a coalition government in 2005 are often referred as a symbolic beginning of this conflict. The intensity of this dispute, prompts the observers of public and political life to formulatea thesis about two metaphoric Polands, two tribes that are alien to each other. Authors of the scientific and journalistic analyses of this phenomenon often point out the differences in demographic and social characteristics of the electorates of both parties. However, these differences are less important than dissimilarities in views and opinions of PO and PiS supporters on events, phenomena and persons relevant to party identities. The media also play a crucial role in supporting and reproducing different views of supporters of both parties. The purpose of this paper is to present a characteristics of the supporters of both parties and to analyze the evolution of their political likes and dislikes in the last several years. The conclusions are based on a analysis of the data collected in the years 2001–2019 by the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) and by other researchers. ; Od 2005 roku życie polityczne w Polsce w znaczącym stopniu zdominowane jest przez spór dwóch partii: Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO) oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS). Spór ten nie jest tylko rywalizacją liderów i członków partii na programy polityczne. To konfrontacja antagonistycznych światopoglądów wyborców oraz sympatyków obu partii. Jej symbolicznym początkiem są nieudane rozmowy między gremiami przywódczymi obu partii, które nie doprowadziły do powstania koalicyjnego rządu w 2005 roku. Intensywność sporu, toczonego w wielu środowiskach, skłania obserwatorów życia publicznego do formułowania tezy o dwóch metaforycznych Polskach, o dwóch obcych sobie plemionach. Autorzy naukowych i publicystycznych analiz tego fenomenu często wskazują na różnice w zakresie cech demograficznych i społecznych, jakimi charakteryzują się elektoraty obu partii. Odmienności te mają jednak drugorzędne znaczenie w stosunku do różnic w poglądach zwolenników PO i PiS na temat wydarzeń, problemów, zjawisk i osób istotnych dla partyjnych tożsamości. Istotną rolę w podtrzymywaniu i reprodukcji odmiennych światopoglądów sympatyków obu partii odgrywają media. Celem tekstu jest dokonanie charakterystyki cech oraz podzielanych poglądów sympatyków obu partii oraz analiza ewolucji ich sympatii i antypatii politycznych w ostatnich kilkunastu latach. Wnioski formułowane są na podstawie wtórnej analizy danych zebranych w latach 2001–2019 przez Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej oraz przez innych badaczy.