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How can we explain the historical and trans-national variation of Corporate Responsibility – business's voluntary engagement for social and environmental ends above legally mandated minimum standards – and how are we to understand this amorphous and essentially contested phenomenon? In this paper, I propose a political-economic explanation for the variation of Corporate Responsibility [Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Citizenship]. I posit that Corporate Responsibility's temporal and cross-national variation is linked to its function of legitimating economic liberalization and market liberalism. Both employers and state officials have an interest in compensating for the hardships of liberalization and the weakening of institutionalized social solidarity. One way in which they seek to legitimate the market vis-à-vis their 'stakeholders' and the electorate, and justify themselves vis-à-vis their own conscience, is through Corporate Responsibility. CR inoculates firms against burdensome regulation and justifies a light regulatory touch; it facilitates business-friendly institutional reforms; it helps to satisfy employers' needs and compensate for market failures and deficiencies in public provision. But CR cannot be understood in purely rational-instrumental let alone cynical terms. One of its most essential functions is to constitute businesspeople as responsible moral agents. Those in the engine rooms of contemporary capitalism – whether owners, managers, or employees – want to perceive themselves as serving the common good. This is true irrespective of capitalist 'varieties.' In the place of Milton Friedman's assertion that the business of business is business, employers chant: 'Free us up so we can do some Corporate Responsibility!' Using national Corporate Responsibility associations and their membership levels as a proxy for the institutionalization of CR, this paper develops and tests a political-economic explanation for the temporal and trans-national variation of CR. Using Corporate Responsibility associations, a novel proxy for the state of CR in a given country at a given time, I hypothesize that Liberal Market Economies tend to 'get' CR earlier, and get more of it, than Social / Coordinated Market economies. Furthermore, Corporate Responsibility co-evolves with the decline of institutionalized social solidarity, 'embedded liberalism' and 'organized capitalism.' Empirical evidence from more than twenty OECD countries and from the CR 'leader' United Kingdom and 'laggard' Germany support these hypotheses and illustrate the co-evolution of CR and market liberalism during the past thirty years. In sum, this paper suggests that CR functions as a material and symbolic substitute for institutionalized forms of social solidarity. ; Wie können wir die transnationale Varianz von Corporate Responsibility – des freiwilligen Engagements von Unternehmen für soziale und ökologische Belange über gesetzlich vorgeschriebene Mindeststandards hinaus – erklären? Verbreitete sozialwissenschaftliche Erklärungen von Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) und Corporate Citizenship stellen soziale Bewegungen und die Diffusion von sozialen Normen in den Vordergrund. Ich entwickele einen alternativen, polit-ökonomischen Ansatz: Corporate Responsibility trägt dazu bei, wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung und Marktliberalismus zu legitimieren. Sowohl Arbeitgeber als auch Politiker sind daran interessiert, die Härten der Liberalisierung und die Schwächung des institutionalisierten sozialen Zusammenhalts zu kompensieren. Corporate Responsibility ist ein Weg, das Vertrauen von Interessenvertretern und Wählern in den Markt zu stärken und gleichzeitig das eigene Gewissen zu entlasten; CR impft Unternehmen gegen zu starke Regulierung und ermöglicht doch einen zurückhaltenden Eingriff; es erleichtert unternehmensfreundliche institutionelle Reformen und es kann helfen, Marktversagen und Mängel in der Bereitstellung von öffentlichen Gütern zu kompensieren. CR darf jedoch nicht rein zweckrational, strategisch oder gar zynisch verstanden werden. Eines seiner wichtigsten Funktionen besteht darin, Geschäftsleuten ein Selbstverständnis als verantwortungsbewusste moralische Akteure zu ermöglichen. Alle Beteiligten im Räderwerk des zeitgenössischen Kapitalismus – ob Eigentümer, Führungskräfte oder Mitarbeiter – wollen sich als dem Gemeinwohl dienend verstehen, unabhängig von unterschiedlichen Spielarten des Kapitalismus. An Stelle von Milton Friedmans Behauptung 'the business of business is business' rufen Unternehmer, Wirtschafts-und Arbeitgeberverbände im Chor: 'Befreit uns von unseren Beschränkungen, damit wir uns in CR engagieren können! Mit der Hilfe eines neuen Indikators wird eine politisch-ökonomische Erklärung für die zeitliche und transnationale Varianz von CR entwickelt. Meine Hypothese ist, dass liberale Marktwirtschaften CR früher und in größeren Mengen 'bekommen' als soziale Marktwirtschaften. Darüber hinaus behaupte ich, dass der Anstieg von Corporate Responsibility einher geht mit dem Niedergang des institutionalisierten sozialen Zusammenhalts und des "organisierten Kapitalismus." Empirische Daten aus mehr als zwanzig OECD-Ländern und aus dem CRVorreiter England und dem "Nachzügler" Deutschland unterstützen diese Thesen und veranschaulichen die Ko-Evolution des Aufstiegs von CR und der Liberalisierung der Wirtschaft in den letzten dreißig Jahren. Zusammengefasst, wird in diesem Papier vorgeschlagen, CR als materiellen und symbolischen Ersatz für institutionalisierte Formen des sozialen Zusammenhalts zu verstehen. Für Theorie und Forschungspraxis legen diese Ergebnisse nahe, politisch- ökonomische Institutionen und die Spielarten des Kapitalismus bei der Untersuchung von Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) und Corporate Citizenship stärker in den Vordergrund zu rücken.

This paper analyzes the structure and evolution of the presidential wear in Chile from 1990-2014, including the governments of Patricio Aylwin (1990-1993), Eduardo Frei RT (1994-1999), Ricardo Lagos (2000-2005), Michelle Bachelet ( 2006-2009) and Sebastián Piñera (2010-2014). As it is four administrations of the Concertación, and one of the Alianza, our perspective emphasizes the longitudinal study of change in political support, seeking to clarify the importance, for this process, social expectations and perceptions of government performance. For the analysis proposed two annual measurements of the public opinion poll of the Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP) from 1990-2014 are used.The main objectives of this study are: i) Explain the evolution of the political support of governments in the period 1990-2014, identifying particular features of each government, as well as general patterns, ii) Explain trends and presidential joints wear with In order to identify common cycles of erosion in government support, and iii) analyze the relationship between the change of political support and perceived legitimacy and effectiveness of government. ; El presente trabajo analiza la estructura y evolución del desgaste presidencial en Chile desde 1990 a 2014, incluyendo los gobiernos de Patricio Aylwin (1990-1993), Eduardo Frei RT (1994-1999), Ricardo Lagos (2000-2005), Michelle Bachelet (2006-2009) y Sebastián Piñera (2010-2014). Como se trata de cuatro administraciones de la Concertación y una de la Alianza, nuestra perspectiva enfatiza el estudio longitudinal del cambio en los apoyos políticos, buscando esclarecer la importancia, para este proceso, de las expectativas sociales y las percepciones sobre el desempeño gubernamental. Para el análisis propuesto, se utilizan dos mediciones anuales de la encuesta de opinión del Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP) desde 1990 a 2014.Los objetivos centrales de este estudio son: i) Explicar la evolución de los apoyos políticos de los gobiernos en el período 1990 a 2014, identificando rasgos particulares de cada gobierno, así como también patrones generales, ii) Explicar tendencias y coyunturas de desgaste presidencial con el propósito de identificar ciclos comunes de erosión en los apoyos gubernamentales, y iii) Analizar la relación entre la variación del apoyo político y la percepción sobre legitimidad y efectividad del gobierno.

On the 3rd of December 1989, Venezuelans went to the polls for the first time to directly elect their local and regional political leaders. A process of government decentralization was initiated with direct elections of municipal mayors and regional state governors. Since 1958, the political system had been dominated by two political parties, the social democratic AD (Acción Democrática) and Christian democratic COPEI, both strongly centralized parties. The system of strongly dominant political parties is often referred to as partyarchy, with penetration of organized social and political activities. Notwithstanding, the AD-COPEI partyarchy experienced a relatively rapid process of undermining from 1989, losing control over important mayordomes, governorships and municipal councils. This book deals with the transformations of the Venezuelan political party system in the context of the decentralization process. During the principal study period (1989-2004), non-traditional political parties like the socialist MAS (Movimiento Al Socialismo) and Causa R (Causa Radical) have emerged, and triumphed in the elections of mayors and governors, thus threatening the previous almost hegemonic position of AD and COPEI. The municipal, regional and national elections of 1998 and 2000 changed the political panorama even more. Several entirely new political parties have emerged. The MVR (Movimiento V República) party of current President Hugo Chávez presents the most dramatic and rapid rise in this context. But similarly, other parties associated with decentralization have achieved increased political influence. Theoretically, a combination of actors' rational choice, and, more process-structural approaches, particularly the use of the framework of political opportunity structures, helps to theoretically understand the political transformations related to decentralization and its implications for the party system. The study demonstrates that the party system and political decentralization are intimately connected and dependent of each other. This study describes and analyzes the "encounter" between the Venezuelan party system and the decentralization reform. ; Avhandling från: Renvall Institute for Area and Cultural Studies, University of Helsinki, 2004. [Även utgiven som: Renvall Institute Publications; 17]

Based on an ideational approach, a burgeoning body of literature has directly measured populist attitudes among supporters of populist parties. However, few empirical works have examined whether these attitudes among voters also explain their preferences for politicians whom a political-strategic approach regards as populists. In addition, no research has verified the applicability of individual populist scales to non-Western countries. To overcome these shortcomings, this study assesses populist attitudes among Japanese citizens and explores whether a respondent with these attitudes tends to vote for populist politicians in Japan. We conducted an online survey after the 2017 Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. Survey results revealed that the supporters of the Tokyoites First Party – a typical populist party in a political-strategic sense – lack the quintessential elements of populism. Further, several subcomponents of populist attitudes led to support for the Japanese Communist Party – a radical leftist party.

Using an agent-based simulation of electoral participation, this paper examines the second order or cascade effects of an exogenous increase in turnout. Unlike most previous applications of agent-based modelling in political science, we adopt a descriptively complex rather than a simple model of behaviour. Experimenting with different levels of mobilisation allows estimation of the extent to which mobilisation spreads beyond the primary mobilisation target across the population as well as whether or not it survives over time. We argue that in a complex world cascade effects are smaller than previously thought. However, mobilisation effects can create secondary effects through habitual voting and increases in political interest and party affiliation, which reverberate over time, creating long-term spillover effects.

At head of title: A book for every American. ; Includes index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Розглянуто роль та місце професійного чиннику у рекрутуванніполітичних кадрів у сучасній Україні. Визначено основні тенденціїмотивації державних службовців. Встановлено політичні завданнярекрутування у державні служби ; The article examines the role and place of the professional political factor inthe recruitment of personnel in modern Ukraine. The basic trends of motivation ofcivil servants. Establish political objectives rektrutuvannyau public service. ; Рассмотрены роль и место профессионального фактора врекрутировании политических кадров в современной Украине.Определены основные тенденции мотивации государственных служащих.Устанавлены задачи рекрутирования в государственые службы.