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David Graeber, anthropologist and political activist born in New York, prematurely passed away in the Fall of 2020. His ability to communicate to a broader audience, his courage in tackling the 'great questions' of classical social science, and his pragmatic approach to anarchism as a political horizon for the present, made him an inspiring figure for scholars, activists, and public intellectuals worldwide. This article focuses on his ground-breaking theoretical contribution to the fields of economic and political anthropology, which I consider an antidote to the intellectual paralysis that dominates contemporary radical thought.

The essay analyses David Hume's political epistemology by focusing on the issue of "general opinion" in its relationship with the questions of political obligation and of the production and infraction of order. Opinion emerges as the keystone of a new conception of politics in which a communicative vision of society redefines both the tasks of government and the concept of order. While government is supposed to protect order, it results in facts as its product.

The provision of public goods is an important problem in economics and the social sciences. It is often claimed that this problem has the structure of the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma so that rational and self-interested individuals would not be able to provide any public good by spontaneous cooperation. In this paper, we argue that this pessimistic view of the possibility spontaneous cooperation is largely unjustified, since the game theoretic analysis of public goods shows how their voluntary provision is indeed feasible in a number of circumstances. We conclude by considering the implications of the game theoretic approach to the problem of public goods for political philosophy and, in particular, for the possibility of "ordered anarchy" as defended in the works of Anthony de Jasay.

The evolution of Critical Theory in the thought of Jürgen Habermas has important consequences for political questions, influencing the actual intellectual debate. This paper examines the main works and studies of Habermas about the epistemology of social sciences, the critique of late capitalist society, the public sphere and democracy, and proposes a comparison with the positions of Jacques Derrida, to have a better comprehension of this evolution.

Science is facing a fundamental turning point of its history. Never as in this historical moment it appears giant and powerful, but at the same time it shows high fragility: the concentration of information control power in the hands of few commercial groups, the iniquity of a system that benefits developed countries, the restriction of academic autonomy by political and economic power, the precariousness of working conditions of young researchers, the increase in the number of cases of scientific fraud and misconduct, the questioning of its authority by a portion of the public. Can openness be understood as a system capable of strengthening science and treating the diseases that afflict it?

The concept of transition has been a strategic tool to explain and give political foundation to 1989. Using it to characterize in real-time that period of history, historiography (following political science) has built a formidable key to understanding and regulating the present and the future: the transition of post-communist societies towards liberal-democratic regimes is thus shown as – more than a simple process or the origin of a set of processes – a unitary and global fact, historically necessary. Through analysis of its application to history, the essay reflects on the politically active function performed by the concept around '89, with its intrinsic ambiguities and epistemic fragility. The function, fundamentally rhetoric and persuasive of that model, however, has already appeared evident immediately after '89, especially in the profound differences in timing, manner and content highlighted by the processes of socio-institutional transformation in several countries in transition; the result has been the questioning of political transitological science itself. Nevertheless, today that representation retains again all of its strength in public discourse.

Disciplinary definitions and 'boundaries' are cultural constructs, context-based and subject to conventions. Historical, technical, cultural, gender, social, political conditions are among the forces that shape the multidimensional space of such definitions. Rules and regulations often dismiss complexity, or have to reduce it. The division between 'hard science' and 'humanities' is one of the results, but more detailed examples can be found in the history and practice of individual disciplines, like musicology. Among scholars involved in 'humanities' in Europe and Northern America there has been a growing feeling that their disciplines be under attack, and that the only path to survival be the acceptation of 'hard science' as a model. The risk that such a strategy may bring to an impoverishment of scholarship, favoring an ill-defined and ineffective form of empiricism, must be considered, especially if one looks at the long-term plans of institutions like the European Research Council. In this paper, I will try to place the subject into the more ample framework of the changes in political and economical systems in the West from the 1970s (which brought to the current economical crisis), of the ongoing processes aiming to reduce or abolish public welfare, including public universities.

This work deals with lobbying from a legal point of view, and in particular legal-constitutional (comparative): it analyzes that is how this practice, whose impact on the democratic process is very high and constantly growing, is regulated, and above all which both the constitutional framework in which this regulation moves, and what this tells us about the legal system as a whole in some particularly significant systems: USA, Europe (EU and Council of Europe) and Italy.

The interviews have been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay" as part of the implementation phase of the project. The interviews have been conducted with experts in the field of public administration, public law and political science, both researchers and practitioners, with the aim of widening the scope of the Country Report on Italy. To receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.

Citizen science (CS), "citizen science" or "participatory science", refers to the participation and active involvement of citizens in scientific research activities. While CS includes natural sciences, such as biology, chemistry and physics, and citizen social science deals with societies, citizen humanities apply to historical, literary, linguistic and philosophical disciplines. Digital public history, due to its public, participatory and collaborative vocation in a digital context, presents itself as one of the privileged fields of application of citizen humanities. The added value of citizen humanities depends primarily on two conditions underlying the digital public history: the participation of historians who do not come from the academy in the creation of collaborative projects and the communication of the results of historical research to the public on the network. The article intends to reflect on how collaborative writing, made possible by wiki tools, can be an excellent starting point for a participatory democracy that is located in the wake of citizen humanities. ; La citizen science (CS), "scienza dei cittadini" o "scienza partecipata", indica la partecipazione e il coinvolgimento attivo dei cittadini in attività di ricerca scientifica. Mentre la CS include le scienze naturali, come la biologia, la chimica e la fisica e la citizen social science si occupa delle società, le citizen humanities si applicano alle discipline storiche, letterarie, linguistiche e filosofiche. La digital public history, per la sua vocazione pubblica, partecipativa e collaborativa in un contesto digitale, si presenta come uno dei campi di applicazione privilegiata dalle citizen humanities . Il valore aggiunto delle citizen humanities dipende primariamente da due condizioni alla base della digital public history: la partecipazione degli storici che non provengono dall'accademia alla creazione di progetti collaborativi e la comunicazione dei risultati della ricerca storica al pubblico della rete. L'articolo intende riflettere su come la scrittura collaborativa, resa possibile dagli strumenti wiki, possa costituire un ottimo punto di partenza per una democrazia partecipata che si situi nel solco delle citizen humanities.

Notice from the Public Affairs Officer, U.S. MIsSIOn, Berlill, of the visit to Rome of Walter de Hoog, H. Badekow, N. Kaufmann, and Bruce Herschensohn for the purpose of filming the coronation of the Pope for an American government production. He requests that every courtesy be extended to them. ; Scanned from original text or image using a Canon Expression 100000XL scanner. Optimized in Adobe Acrobat 9 Pro and saved in .pdf format.

Science is facing a fundamental turning point of its history. Never as in this historical moment it appears giant and powerful, but at the same time it shows high fragility: the concentration of information control power in the hands of few commercial groups, the iniquity of a system that benefits developed countries, the restriction of academic autonomy by political and economic power, the precariousness of working conditions of young researchers, the increase in the number of cases of scientific fraud and misconduct, the questioning of its authority by a portion of the public. Can openness be understood as a system capable of strengthening science and treating the diseases that afflict it? The essay is aimed at answering this question. ; Trento LawTech Research Paper nr. 32

In the last three years, Europe and North America have been hit by an unprecedented wave of terrorist attacks, carried out by individuals inspired by jihadist ideology. Who are the authors of these attacks? Are they born and raised in the West or are they refugees and migrants? How are they radicalized? Were they well educated and integrated or, on the contrary, lived on the margins of society? Have they acted alone? What were their connections with the Islamic State? Answering these and other questions is useful for understanding the nature and scope of the threat and for being able to identify adequate political solutions based on empirical evidence. The study - the first of this type - aims to analyze the demographic profile, the trajectories of radicalization and the links with the Islamic State of the individuals who carried out jihadist attacks in Europe and North America from the proclamation of the so-called Caliphate in June 2014.

The present article deals with the political-diplomatic relations between Italy and Chile since the rise of fascism until the beginning of the 1930s. In particular, a special focus is devoted to the visit of the famous fascist journalist and writer Mario Appelius to Chile in 1929. Indeed, the study of that visit allows to assess the number of initiatives endeavoured by the Rome government with the purpose of gaining ground in Chile, as well as the features of the future actions of the fascist regime aimed at projecting his presence in the country. Moreover, the visit revealed the special attention that Mussolini regime paid for the Italian-Chilean community and for the local political dynamics. The article is mainly based on primary sources, drawn from the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (ASDMAE), from the Italian Central State Archive and from General Historical Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile.

Copertina; Frontespizio; Dedica; Motto; Indice; Avvertenza; Introduzione; Capitolo I -- Rigurgiti nazionali di sovranità e attacco indiscriminato all'Unione europea; Capitolo II -- Globalizzazione, crisi economica e crisi della democrazia negli Stati membri dell'UE; Capitolo III -- L'Unione ha tradito i popoli europei?; Conclusione