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公共事務知識對許多政治過程都有至關重要的意義。通過獲取公共事務知識,個體公民得以認清切身利益,並由此與公共生活形成一種認識論上的聯系。了解公共事務,也是公民進行有效協商和政治參與的前提。盡管西方政治傳播文獻對此多有探討,中國語境下的"知識獲取"研究卻相對匱乏。中國的媒介環境正處於劇烈變革之中:盡管國家管控依然存在,但市場化改革不斷深入,近年來互聯網逐漸跃升为信息交換、意見表達與社會動員的主流平台。媒介環境的變遷為研究"知識獲取"提供了意義豐富的語境。 ; 本研究旨在探索中國大學生通過不同傳播渠道獲取公共事務知識的机制。本研究的實證數據來源於一項針對北京、上海和廣州在校大學生的問卷調查。調查共收回1,135份有效問卷,回收率為78%。該研究使用多元回歸分析與觀察變量通經分析(Path analysis with observed variables)對樣本數據進行分析。 ; 本研究的主要發現有三個方面。首先,數據顯示新媒體渠道(如新聞網站和社交媒體)或已經開始取代傳統媒體渠道(如報紙和電視),成為最常規的新聞源。新聞獲取模式的改變,進一步導致不同媒介"致知"效果的變化。與以往研究不同,本研究發現新媒體新聞曝露可以增加使用者的公共事務知識,但傳統媒體的新聞曝露卻沒有類似效果。面對面的交談可以增加人們的公共事務知識和政治信息效能。然而社交媒體討論只能增加人們的政治信息效能,卻對實際的知識獲取沒有貢獻。 ; 其次,本研究認為,檢測媒介的"致知"效果時,將媒介使用操作化為"媒介注意力"並不一定優於"媒介曝露"。孰優孰劣取決於我們所關注的媒體類型。結果顯示,"媒介曝露"能更好地檢測新媒體對知識獲取的影響,而"媒介注意力"則更有效地檢測傳統媒體對知識獲取的影響。這個區別並不只是一個技術問題,它關涉到知識獲取研究的理論假設。不同操作化所帶來的效果區別,可能與媒介使用模式的變化以及媒介使用時信息處理模式的改變有所關聯。 ; 第三,中國公共事務知識的生產與傳播是一個政治建構的過程。媒介管控與互聯網治理則是這個建構過程的重要機制。主流媒體供給"主流知識"並以其構建一個關於社會現實的"主流認知"。研究發現,事實上還存在一部分"另類知識"。中國的媒介體系推廣"主流知識"並且減少"另類知識"流通。本研究同時發現,盡管存在管控,新媒體渠道可以散播"另類知識"。 ; Public affairs knowledge plays a vital part in many political processes. By gaining public affairs knowledge, individual citizens discern their own interests and concerns, thus epistemologically connecting themselves to public life. Knowledge about public affairs is also a prerequisite for effective deliberation and political engagement. Though it has attracted much attention in Western political communication scholarship, knowledge acquisition has not been fully extended to the context of China. Few studies have examined public affairs knowledge in China's rapidly transitioning, yet still controlled, media environment, where the Internet has lately risen to be a dominant platform for information exchange, opinion expression, and social mobilization. ; This study explores how people can gain knowledge about public affairs through different communication channels in China's complex media environment. The data come from a paper-and-pencil survey of college students in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. The survey generated 1,135 valid responses, ...

Adelaide Nga-yan Lau. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2001. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4 ; Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25 ; The Habermasian public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Universal access ; Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern ; Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion ; Gatekeeping in production ; Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization ; Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46 ; Factors for developing public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Capitalism ; Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression ; Media and political communication in Hong Kong ; Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs ; Chapter ■ --- Period of germination ; Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition ; Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing ; Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong ; Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics ; Methodology --- p.p.47-55 ; Data collection ; Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case ; Data analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Content analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis ; Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76 ; Technologies enhance accessibility ; Equal opportunity for callers ; Selecting calls ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics ; What is universal access? ; Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96 ; Topics initiated by the public ; Handling of topics initiated by the public ; Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics ; Who sets the media agenda? ; Analysis III - Rational Discussion ...

Qin, Shuang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

Ho Man-sze. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of Tables ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 ; Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 ; Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 ; Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 ; Research Questions --- p.8 ; Significance of the Study --- p.10 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 ; Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 ; Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 ; The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 ; The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 ; Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 ; The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 ; Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 ; A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 ; Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 ; The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 ; Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 ; Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 ; Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 ; Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 ; "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 ; Summary --- p.81

李祖喬. ; "2009年1月". ; "2009 nian 1 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-93). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Li Zuqiao. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 序 --- p.3 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 消失的空間,及維園的公共空間政治 --- p.7 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 一個現代公園的誕生一一作爲紀念性空間的維園 --- p.28 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 等同邏輯、差異邏輯與殖民領導權 --- p.45 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 總結 --- p.83 ; 參考書目 --- p.87

So Ming Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vii ; List of Table and figures --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

by Wan Fang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57 ; Endnotes --- p.65 ; References --- p.69 ; Figures & Tables --- p.77

本研究發現一個地區的經濟發展水平與當地居民對中央政府的信任程度負相關。 ; 本研究包括定量和定性兩個部份。定量部份,普通最小二乘線性回歸(OLS)分析和雙層回歸分析的結果顯示:區域經濟發展水平與人們對中央政府的信任存在顯著的負相關關係。控制了個人因素變量,上述相關關係仍然顯著。定性分析部份討論了傳統文化與信息流通在發達地區和欠發達地區如何影響政府信任。這部份分析發現文化因素和信息因素是導致某一地區的民眾比另一地區民眾更不相信中央政府的重要因素,但必須與經濟發展因素相結合才能發揮顯著作用。文化與信息受當地的經濟發展水平影響:一個地區的經濟發展水平越高,傳統文化的影響力越弱,信息化程度越高;反之,經濟發展水平越低,傳統文化的影響力越強,信息化程度越低。定量分析與定性分析都支持研究假設。 ; 把上述靜態觀察納入動態視角,從長遠看,區域經濟發展將削弱公眾對中央政府的信任。具體來說,假定目前的局勢延續,隨著中國越來越多的地區經濟得到發展,當地民眾對中央政府的信任會相應降低。據此推測,中國人的政府信任可能會經歷一個由"中央高、地方低再變為"中央低、地方更低的過程。 ; This research shows that the level of economic development in a region has a negative correlation with local residents' trust in the central government. ; This study draws on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. In the quantitative section, both OLS regression and hierarchical linear modeling show that the level of regional economic development has a significant negative correlation with public trust in the central government, controlling for individual factors. Qualitative analysis suggests that traditional culture and the flow of political information affect people's trust in government when they interact with economic development. In places where economy is underdeveloped, traditional culture has a larger impact and the flow of political information is less free. By contrast, in places where economy is more developed, traditional culture has a weaker effect and the flow of political information is freer. ; Putting the finding of the cross-sectional analysis into a dynamic perspective, it is suggested that the development of local economy may in the long run weaken local residents' trust in the central government. More specifically, assuming that the present situation continues, as more and more regions experience economic growth, local residents may develop weaker confidence in the central government. The pattern of trust in government may then evolve from the current "high trust in the central government and lower trust in local government into "low trust in the central government and even lower trust in local government. ...

Chan Chi Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of figures --- p.vii ; Forward --- p.viii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 ; Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 ; Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 ; Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 ; Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 ; Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 ; Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 ; Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 ; Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 ; Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 ; Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 ; Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 ; Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 ; Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 ; Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 ; Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 ; Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 ; Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 ; Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 ; Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong ...

第三次民主化浪潮及其所代表的世界性民主化转型使得许多人相信民主不仅具有其本身的价值,而且有助于提高大众的福利水平。不少学者曾研究过民主制度与社会福利产出之间的关系。然而,在解释两者关系时并未得到一致性的结论。在很多情况下,民主制国家在改善人类发展指标和提高福利水平方面并没得到社会所期待的结果,而且经常被非民主制国家所超越。政治制度如何影响社会福利表现?民主化和社会福利发展之间是否存在取舍矛盾?如果这种取舍矛盾存在,如何将民主化的社会代价减到最小? ; 本研究试图加深我们对政治制度性质与社会福利产出水平之间关系的理解。为此,本文以维度路径分析政治制度的不同维度如何影响政府采取不同类型的政策选择。本文的核心问题是:民主制的哪些方面有利于/不利于哪种公共政策的实现?民主的不同维度能够促进/抑制哪些政策?竞争性选举和公众参与形成本研究的两个自变量维度。本研究应变量的两个维度是两种政府回应性:政府对公民基本需求(basic needs)的回应,即代表了社会福利表现的改进,以及政府对公民要求(wants and demands)的回应,即代表了满足群体所呼吁的而非客观上对其有利的政策福利。两者在概念上有所不同。本文首先在理论上分析自变量和应变量不同维度之间的关系,继而引用实证科学的定量和定性基本方法来检验所建立的理论关系。 ; 本研究证明,并非所有的导致回应要求(wants)的民主属性也有助于使政府回应基本需求(basic needs)。公众要求和公众客观需求作为公共政策所回应的目标具有不同的特征。从委托-代理理论框架来看,回应公众基本需求的政策需要政府采取不同于在回应主观要求时所采取的措施。由于这些不同点,在两个民主维度(政治竞争和公众参与)当中,只有后者对基本需求有积极影响,而前者往往会阻碍以回应基本需求为目的的政策。在政治竞争压力之下,追求选票最大化的政治家更倾向于采取回应社会现有要求的短期措施,且往往以忽视客观需求为代价。因此,为了避免民主化的高成本,需要促进民主的参与维度,且同时要缓解其竞争维度的激烈性。 ; The shift towards democracy globally under the "third wave" of democratization has stirred the conviction that democracy is not only a good thing in itself but also a promoter of general welfare. A considerable amount of research has been conducted to explore the effects of democracy on social outcomes. However, unequivocal conclusions regarding democracy's impact on health, education, life expectancy and other aspects of human well-being have not been achieved. Many democracies do not perform as good as they are expected to and are often outperformed by non-democratic regimes. Questions appear: How does political regime affect social performance? Is there a trade-off between democratization, on the one hand, and social development, on the other? If there is, how should democratization be carried out so as not to inhibit human well-being? ; This dissertation attempts to enhance our understanding of the impact of political regime on social outcomes by applying a dimensional approach. Instead of asking whether democracy is good or bad, it asks: which dimensions of political regime are good for which kinds of outcomes? What kinds of policies are promoted and what ...

Chan Chi Ho. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-184). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Notes to the Readers --- p.ii ; Abstract --- p.iii ; Chinese Abstract --- p.iv ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One --- Imperial Cults as a Context of the Lukan Writings: Historical Preliminaries --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Imperial Cults or Emperor Cults as a Religion in the Roman Empire --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2 --- "The Lukan Perspective: Between the Author, the Literary Text, the Reader, and Their Historical Context" --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Authorship and Intended Readership of the Lukan Writings --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Time of Composition --- p.30 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Further Notes on Luke-Acts' Historical Situation --- p.37 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Lukan Perspective on the Roman Empire Rethought --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- A Contra-cultural Reformed Judaism Surpassing the Imperial Cult? Assessing Allen Brent's Interpretation of the Lukan Writings --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.2 --- "An Overview of Brent's Interpretation of Luke's ""Political Theology""" --- p.53 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Contra-cultural Strategy and Social Reintegration into the Host Culture --- p.53 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Augustan Saeculum Aureum and Luke's Delayed Parousia --- p.54 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Latent Conflicts Remain --- p.57 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- "A ""Political Theology"" Doomed to Fail: Domitian and the Fiscus Iudaicus" --- p.57 ; Chapter 2.3 --- "An Evaluation of Brent's Interpretation of Luke's ""Political Theology""" --- p.58 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Lukan vs. Imperial Eschatologies --- p.58 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Jewish"" or Pagan Backcloth?" --- p.58 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Roman State Religion or Greek Imperial Cults? --- p.59 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Conclusion --- p.61 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- King Agrippa I Smitten by an Angel of the Lord: Acts 12:20-23 and the Lukan Attitude towards Emperor Worship --- p.63 ; Chapter 3.1 --- ...

Over the summer of 2015, the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown worked to activate public spaces in Vancouver's Chinatown in an intergenerational, intercultural manner through a series of events: the "Hot and Noisy" (熱鬧) Chinatown Mahjong Socials. On the surface, our goal was simple: to bring back Chinatown's 熱鬧, or "yeet low" in Cantonese, – literally, "hot and noisy", or liveliness and energy. Below the surface, we had more complex goals of being able to bring a youth voice to planning processes about the future of Chinatown, and building up political and social capacity of young generations of Chinese Canadians. We decided that our approach to activating public space had several criteria. It needed to be visible. It needed to be collaborative. It needed to demonstrate a cohesive, coordinated effort undertaken by younger generations, with the ability to involve many others. It needed to be intercultural and multilingual. It needed to foster relationships between young and old. It needed to be feasible to implement within a very short time frame. It needed to involve no to low hard costs. And it needed to be possible with the resources and skills we could readily bring to the table, amongst our team of organizers. By temporarily activating a public space, there is an opportunity to both share and transform the stories that we tell ourselves and each other in relation to it, and to create spaces of belonging. Based on participant observation/action as a member of the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown, I describe the "Hot and Noisy" (熱鬧) Chinatown Mahjong Socials as a case study of a youth-driven, grassroots process in public space activation. I discuss lessons learned and the implications for planning, urban design and community organizing. ; Applied Science, Faculty of ; Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of ; Unreviewed ; Graduate

Lo Suet-yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-153). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstracts --- p.i-iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 1 --- Emergence of Primary Science Education and the General Development of Science Curriculum in the World ; Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review of Development of Primary Science Curriculumin Hong Kong ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Organization of This Study ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Historical Review of the Hong Kong Primary School System and Major Research Concerns of This Study --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- "Historical Review of Primary Schooling and its Political, Social, and Economic Context" ; Chapter 2.2 --- Curriculum Decision-Making in Hong Kong Primary Schooling ; Chapter 2.3 --- Concluding Remarks ; Chapter 2.4 --- Major Research Concerns of This Study ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Literature Review --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Functionalist Theory ; Chapter 3.2 --- Conflict Theory ; Chapter 3.3 --- Institutionalist Theory ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Methodological Approach --- p.56 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Official Syllabi of Primary Science Curriculum ; Chapter 4.2 --- Government Document on Educational and Curricular Policies ; Chapter 4.3 --- Documentary Analysis ; Chapter 4.4 --- Limitations of My Study ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Historical Analysis of Primary Science Curriculum in Hong Kong --- p.63 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Historical Review of Primary Science Curriculum in Hong Kong ; Chapter 5.2 --- Analysis of Educational Aims ; Chapter 5.3 --- Analysis of Pedagogy ; Chapter 5.4 --- Analysis of Educational Content ; Chapter 5.5 --- "Summary of the Evolving Pattern of Primary Science Curriculum: Aims, Pedagogy, and Educational Content" ; Chapter 5.6 --- Historical Changes of the Primary Science Curriculum and Assessment of Major Sociological Perspectives ; Chapter 5.7 --- Some Concluding Remarks ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- The Role of Government in the Development of ...