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The agroecology does not yet provide tools and analysis criteria to develop local and regional strategies, where political and institutional aspects play a key role. This article aims to contribute to overcoming these deficiencies by the theoretical foundation of how it should be Agroecology involved in politics. Family farming is the subject. It is through her that already develops agroecology, getting a transition from the model of traditional agriculture, which provides food security for an alternative model. First, it is argued that, as a socio-ecological construction, agro-ecosystems is the product of power relations. Secondly, it shows the close relationship that the dynamics of agro-ecosystems have with politics and therefore the important role they occupy in agroecological transition. Currently you can see that there is very little reflection on the politics of Agroecology. However, the range of agroecological movements and experiences that are held at different levels of both local and regional governments advise the development of political aspects of agro-ecological theory. Finally, a diagnosis attempted under the situation of global food system, in which the context of agroecological experiments must be developed.

With the theme arrangements for Brazilian municipalities in the field of public policy and education management from the late 1980s, this article is the result of bibliographic and documental study, seeks to map/describe the changes regarding the role of municipalities in the definition of public policies and management education in their territories, forged from the late 1980s to the early twenty-first century, particularly by the context of political liberalization; by the rules; by acts of the National Council of Education; for programs, projects and activities of federal governments; and actions of entities linked by the municipal education. The literature, the paper reports that in the history of Brazilian education, content of municipal autonomy does not remain uniform. In the late 1980s, education, municipalities experience assignments education system. In the 1990s, at least formally, the emphasis and technical guidance turn to the actual process of institutionalization of municipal systems of education / teaching and the need to address the efficiency of municipal systems. In the 2000s, continuing educational programs to support municipalities and is strengthened defense Contribution System, for the establishment of municipal systems of education/teaching. However, problems persist and historical weaknesses with the performance of these federal spheres institutionalization of municipal education and, therefore, to guarantee the right to education.

In Brazil the health idea arose in the late nineteenth century with the arrival of the Portuguese crown to these lands. The relationship between health and community was based on the act of public cleaning and inspection of food as well as supervision of the commercial ports. The purpose of this article is to understand the impact that the creation of public health policies brought to society. For this it was necessary a political-historical approach to the process of formulating public health policies based on the redemption of periods of Brazilian history, to better understand the facts. At the end of the process it is understood that health policies in Brazil appear subordinated to political and economic interests, reflecting direct changes in their practices whenever a new form of power arises determining a new model to be followed.

Neste texto pretendemos abordar criticamente algumas dimensões da configuração das políticas educacionais, no discurso neoliberal, tendo como foco de análise a pesquisa desenvolvida na UNIVERSIDADE PÚBLICA no final do século XX e inicio do século XXI. Na seqüência, apresentaremos algumas considerações gerais sobre como se constrói a retórica neoliberal no campo educacional. Nosso objetivo foi o de questionar a forma do Estado Neoliberal, pensar e projetar a política educacional na pesquisa acadêmica desenvolvida pela Universidade Pública. Finalizaremos destacando algumas das mais evidentes conseqüências dessa farsa rotulada pelo Banco Mundial, BIRD e FMI de Pedagogia da Inclusão (uma inclusão que exclui) promovida pelos discursos educacionais em prol da construção de uma cidadania outorgada! O caos educacional que estamos vivenciando possui lógica determinada pela Política Publica Educacional Internacional e Nacional. O que prevalece nesta era da irracionalidade é a sedimentação do padrão americano de pesquisa. A des-construçao da participação do intelectual na práxis social contribui para que a Academia perca sua identidade e contribua ainda mais para a reprodução da desigualdade social e afirmação da Pedagogia da Exclusão.

State educational services suffered a plague of privatisation during the 1980s and 1990s, inspired by the neoliberal hegemony of the time. This article looks into what contribution education can make to the construction of an informed, and participative democracy. The teaching of science and technology needs to be based on principles of justice and equality, and, to ensure that all have equal opportunity to reach the highest levels, should be public, free and of high quality.

From the point of view of critical theory and social criticismo the idea of ​​progress seems to be established in an ambivalence: on the one hand, the postulates of Amy Alllen started an "Aufklärung" of the conception of progress ( which I call the "negative" conception) and its possible unfolding to a critical theory as well as for social criticismo; in contrast, the conception of progress can be understood as a "positive way" in which it is guided by the constitutive scope of a critical theory by embodying, for example, the social justice as a social-normative medium to the process of emancipation. Taking into account the aforementioned assertions, I will take up, in this research, the core of the conception of progress in Amy Allen (1) in order to interpose a "positive" idea. In this sense, I will take as a social-institutional and empirical reference the public policy of the 'Mais IDH' social program (More HDI), which is constituted both as a response to the concept of progress in Amy Allen and as a possible condition for the realization of social justice (understood as the minimum conditions of existence) (2).

Erecting the increase of wealth and abundance as a primary objective for the active vita was already devised as the axiomatic premise of classical political economy, as well as the idealized dream of the poor and dispossessed people. There was, however, a certain utopian hope that by living in a society with greater wealth the citizens would more fully seek the development of appropriate conscious abstention from labor and consumption in their free time, ie: free from pain and of the effort to work and to consume, the animal laborans would become productive for itself, nourishing itself with "superior" activities. However, how much free time the laborans has, the greater are their appetites for consumption, and more than that, an abundant society properly exposes the fallacy of that previous reasoning, since everything can be reified and marketed. This article intends to analyze the phenomenon of contemporary consumer society as a cog in the life cycle, describing why the citizens have just an instrumental policy in their own processes of labor and consumption. This alienation promotes the victory of animal laborans over zoon politikon.