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Ilus. Tab. Bib. Sum. (En) ; Secondary forests developing on agricultural land after it is abandoned, or as the fallow period in systems of subsistence agriculture, are an increasingly important component of the forest resources of the tropics. They fix and store carbon and may contribute to the alleviation of global warming, they are refuges for biodiversity in agricultural landscapes, and they are low-cost sources of a tremendous variety of forest products. The final years of the 20th century represent an opportune time to bring together researchers concerned with biological, ecological, social/organizational, financial/economic and political aspects of secondary forests and their management, to share their experiences and opinions concerning secondary tropical forests and to contribute to the development of a forward-looking, cross-disciplinary research agenda. The conference had the following objectives: 1) to summarize the state of knowledge of tropical secondary forests from the standpoint of the ecological, social and political sciences. 2) to report the most recent results of research on secondary forests from all relevant disciplines.

The agroecology does not yet provide tools and analysis criteria to develop local and regional strategies, where political and institutional aspects play a key role. This article aims to contribute to overcoming these deficiencies by the theoretical foundation of how it should be Agroecology involved in politics. Family farming is the subject. It is through her that already develops agroecology, getting a transition from the model of traditional agriculture, which provides food security for an alternative model. First, it is argued that, as a socio-ecological construction, agro-ecosystems is the product of power relations. Secondly, it shows the close relationship that the dynamics of agro-ecosystems have with politics and therefore the important role they occupy in agroecological transition. Currently you can see that there is very little reflection on the politics of Agroecology. However, the range of agroecological movements and experiences that are held at different levels of both local and regional governments advise the development of political aspects of agro-ecological theory. Finally, a diagnosis attempted under the situation of global food system, in which the context of agroecological experiments must be developed.

With the theme arrangements for Brazilian municipalities in the field of public policy and education management from the late 1980s, this article is the result of bibliographic and documental study, seeks to map/describe the changes regarding the role of municipalities in the definition of public policies and management education in their territories, forged from the late 1980s to the early twenty-first century, particularly by the context of political liberalization; by the rules; by acts of the National Council of Education; for programs, projects and activities of federal governments; and actions of entities linked by the municipal education. The literature, the paper reports that in the history of Brazilian education, content of municipal autonomy does not remain uniform. In the late 1980s, education, municipalities experience assignments education system. In the 1990s, at least formally, the emphasis and technical guidance turn to the actual process of institutionalization of municipal systems of education / teaching and the need to address the efficiency of municipal systems. In the 2000s, continuing educational programs to support municipalities and is strengthened defense Contribution System, for the establishment of municipal systems of education/teaching. However, problems persist and historical weaknesses with the performance of these federal spheres institutionalization of municipal education and, therefore, to guarantee the right to education.

In Brazil the health idea arose in the late nineteenth century with the arrival of the Portuguese crown to these lands. The relationship between health and community was based on the act of public cleaning and inspection of food as well as supervision of the commercial ports. The purpose of this article is to understand the impact that the creation of public health policies brought to society. For this it was necessary a political-historical approach to the process of formulating public health policies based on the redemption of periods of Brazilian history, to better understand the facts. At the end of the process it is understood that health policies in Brazil appear subordinated to political and economic interests, reflecting direct changes in their practices whenever a new form of power arises determining a new model to be followed.

State educational services suffered a plague of privatisation during the 1980s and 1990s, inspired by the neoliberal hegemony of the time. This article looks into what contribution education can make to the construction of an informed, and participative democracy. The teaching of science and technology needs to be based on principles of justice and equality, and, to ensure that all have equal opportunity to reach the highest levels, should be public, free and of high quality.

Neste texto pretendemos abordar criticamente algumas dimensões da configuração das políticas educacionais, no discurso neoliberal, tendo como foco de análise a pesquisa desenvolvida na UNIVERSIDADE PÚBLICA no final do século XX e inicio do século XXI. Na seqüência, apresentaremos algumas considerações gerais sobre como se constrói a retórica neoliberal no campo educacional. Nosso objetivo foi o de questionar a forma do Estado Neoliberal, pensar e projetar a política educacional na pesquisa acadêmica desenvolvida pela Universidade Pública. Finalizaremos destacando algumas das mais evidentes conseqüências dessa farsa rotulada pelo Banco Mundial, BIRD e FMI de Pedagogia da Inclusão (uma inclusão que exclui) promovida pelos discursos educacionais em prol da construção de uma cidadania outorgada! O caos educacional que estamos vivenciando possui lógica determinada pela Política Publica Educacional Internacional e Nacional. O que prevalece nesta era da irracionalidade é a sedimentação do padrão americano de pesquisa. A des-construçao da participação do intelectual na práxis social contribui para que a Academia perca sua identidade e contribua ainda mais para a reprodução da desigualdade social e afirmação da Pedagogia da Exclusão.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo trazer uma discussão teórica da Comunicação Pública e da Cidadania sob o viés da Economia Política da Comunicação, um campo que abrange questões relacionadas entre o mercado de comunicação, Estado e sociedade. A partir do conceito trabalhado por alguns estudiosos que ampliam as discussões sobre as temáticas é traçada uma definição de Comunicação Pública e Cidadania, posteriormente são elencadas pesquisas que aliam a lógica do público ao jornalismo diante de questões econômicas em meio aos produtos que circulam no espaço televisivo, levando em consideração a comunicação pública como um mecanismo de resistência na esfera comunicacional.

A partir da indagação sobre as possibilidades de participação social e efetiva interação da população nas pesquisas científicas na saúde, buscou-se analisar como a Política Nacional de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação em Saúde aborda essa dimensão comunicativa. Deste modo, examinouse o documento oficial desta política por meio da análise temática. A comunicação sobre ciência, tecnologia e inovação à população é tratada, principalmente, no item sobre a difusão dos avanços científicos e tecnológicos, sendo designada com diferentes termos, cujos significados e objetivos, embora distintos, são tratados como sinônimos. A ideia central de comunicação gira em torno de um conteúdo a ser transferido a determinados públicos, de forma unidirecional e verticalizada, de um "emissor" para um "receptor". Tal perspectiva contrasta com a possibilidade de uma comunicação mais horizontalizada e participativa na produção de conhecimento e apropriação de tecnologias, como vislumbrado e desenvolvido por estudos e práticas sobre engajamento público na ciência ou letramento científico. Reconhecendo-se o mérito do processo que culminou nesta política e considerando o contexto político, social e cultural brasileiro é importante impulsionar propostas comunicativas de participação efetiva da sociedade nas questões de ciência, tecnologia e inovação na saúde, coerentemente com os princípios democráticos e participativos do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). ; From the inquiry about the possibilities for social participation and effective population interaction in health research, this article aims to analyze how the communicative dimension is approached in the National Policy for Science, Technology, and Innovation in Health. For that, the official document of this policy underwent a thematic analysis. The communication of science, technology, and innovation for population features mainly at the "scientific and technological advances diffusion" section, designated under different expressions that, although presenting distinct meanings and goals, are stated as synonymous in the document. Overall, the policy considers communication as the upright and unidirectional transfer of content to specific audiences – from a sender to a receiver. Such perspective contrasts with the horizontal and participative perspective of knowledge construction and technological appropriation preconized by studies on public engagement in science and scientific literacy. Considering our political, social, and cultural context, along with the merit of the Policy's creation process, communication proposals must include an effective public participation in science, technology, and innovation in health, respecting the democratic and participative principles postulated by the National Health System.

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

This paper analyses the main results of Timemania as a sports public policy based on the efficiency, efficacy and social effectiveness principles. A descriptive-analytical research with qualitative approach was conducted through the analysis of contents from laws and official reports. Results suggest that the Timemania lottery was neither efficacious nor efficient, as it did not achieve the initial goals as to its revenues and debt payment for clubs. Timemania was not effective and did not significantly impact sports development. Finally, it is possible to conclude that Timemania, as a regulatory policy, fulfills the sole role of ensuring financial injection for major Brazilian football clubs. ; O artigo analisa os principais resultados da Timemania como política pública de esporte a partir dos princípios da eficiência, eficácia e efetividade social. Realizou-se uma pesquisa descritivo-analítica, com abordagem qualitativa, a partir da análise de conteúdos de leis e relatórios oficiais. Os resultados indicam que a Timemania não foi eficaz e eficiente, por não atender os objetivos iniciais de arrecadação e pagamento das dívidas dos clubes. A Timemania não foi efetiva e não impactou de forma significativa no desenvolvimento do esporte. Por fim, conclui-se que a Timemania, como uma política regulatória, cumpre o papel apenas de garantir um aporte financeiro para os clubes de futebol de maior destaque no Brasil.

O artigo descreve as sucessivas tentativas de formular e implantar políticas de segurança pública, em âmbito nacional, por meio da elaboração de planos, buscando-se compreender seus principais movimentos: avanços e recuos, pressões e reações, a indução e as negociações que marcaram a experiência recente dos diversos atores relevantes. O período coberto corresponde aos dois governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso, ao primeiro mandato do presidente Lula e às novas propostas recentemente anunciadas pelo Programa Nacional de Segurança com Cidadania (Pronasci), no oitavo mês do segundo mandato. Para contextualizar o exame dos planos e do processo político envolvido, são analisadas as dificuldades implicadas na definição de critérios, métodos e mecanismos de avaliação e monitoramento de políticas de segurança pública e da performance policial. ; This paper describes the successive attempts of formulating and mplementing public security policies through the elaboration of plans in Brazil. It seeks to understand their main movements: advances and retreats, pressures and reactions, as well as the induction and the negotiations that have characterized the recent experience of their several relevant agents. The analyzed period covers both terms of former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso's administration, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's first government and the new proposals announced by the National Public Security and Citizenship Program (Pronasci) in the eighth month of his second term in office. In order to contextualize the assessment of the plans and of the political process involved, the paper analyzes the difficulties derived from the definition of criteria, methods and mechanisms of evaluation and monitoring of public security policies and police performance.

From the point of view of critical theory and social criticismo the idea of ​​progress seems to be established in an ambivalence: on the one hand, the postulates of Amy Alllen started an "Aufklärung" of the conception of progress ( which I call the "negative" conception) and its possible unfolding to a critical theory as well as for social criticismo; in contrast, the conception of progress can be understood as a "positive way" in which it is guided by the constitutive scope of a critical theory by embodying, for example, the social justice as a social-normative medium to the process of emancipation. Taking into account the aforementioned assertions, I will take up, in this research, the core of the conception of progress in Amy Allen (1) in order to interpose a "positive" idea. In this sense, I will take as a social-institutional and empirical reference the public policy of the 'Mais IDH' social program (More HDI), which is constituted both as a response to the concept of progress in Amy Allen and as a possible condition for the realization of social justice (understood as the minimum conditions of existence) (2).

Este artigo aborda a midiatização da comunicação pública tendo como enfoque o escândalo político do mensalão. A corrupção na política brasileira é pauta recorrente na mídia nacional e até internacional. Sob essa perspectiva nos propomos a delinear algumas implicações da midiatização no debate de temas de comunicação pública. Para tanto, utilizaremos os estudos de Hjarvard (2012), Fausto Neto (2006, 2008) e Sodré (2002). Sobre a comunicação pública, buscamos Weber (2009), Duarte (2007) e Brandão (2007). Observando o site Rede de Escândalos concluímos que a midiatização de temas de interesse público ainda está em estágio preliminar, deixando a discutibilidade desses assuntos para um futuro que esperamos não muito distante. ; This article is on the Media process of public communication focused on a political scandal named mensalão. The corruption in the Brazilian policy is a recurrent issue in national media and even international. Under this perspective we propose to delineate some implications of the media upon debates of public communication issues. For these we are using Hjarvard studies (2012), Fausto Neto (2006, 2008) and Sodré (2002). On public communication we searched Weber (2009), Duarte (2007) and Brandão (2007). Having observed the site Rede de escândalos we can conclude that the media of issues of public interests is still at a preliminary phase, leaving these issues open to be discussed in a no longer future, hopefully.

Erecting the increase of wealth and abundance as a primary objective for the active vita was already devised as the axiomatic premise of classical political economy, as well as the idealized dream of the poor and dispossessed people. There was, however, a certain utopian hope that by living in a society with greater wealth the citizens would more fully seek the development of appropriate conscious abstention from labor and consumption in their free time, ie: free from pain and of the effort to work and to consume, the animal laborans would become productive for itself, nourishing itself with "superior" activities. However, how much free time the laborans has, the greater are their appetites for consumption, and more than that, an abundant society properly exposes the fallacy of that previous reasoning, since everything can be reified and marketed. This article intends to analyze the phenomenon of contemporary consumer society as a cog in the life cycle, describing why the citizens have just an instrumental policy in their own processes of labor and consumption. This alienation promotes the victory of animal laborans over zoon politikon.