Qin, Shuang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.
第三次民主化浪潮及其所代表的世界性民主化转型使得许多人相信民主不仅具有其本身的价值,而且有助于提高大众的福利水平。不少学者曾研究过民主制度与社会福利产出之间的关系。然而,在解释两者关系时并未得到一致性的结论。在很多情况下,民主制国家在改善人类发展指标和提高福利水平方面并没得到社会所期待的结果,而且经常被非民主制国家所超越。政治制度如何影响社会福利表现?民主化和社会福利发展之间是否存在取舍矛盾?如果这种取舍矛盾存在,如何将民主化的社会代价减到最小? ; 本研究试图加深我们对政治制度性质与社会福利产出水平之间关系的理解。为此,本文以维度路径分析政治制度的不同维度如何影响政府采取不同类型的政策选择。本文的核心问题是:民主制的哪些方面有利于/不利于哪种公共政策的实现?民主的不同维度能够促进/抑制哪些政策?竞争性选举和公众参与形成本研究的两个自变量维度。本研究应变量的两个维度是两种政府回应性:政府对公民基本需求(basic needs)的回应,即代表了社会福利表现的改进,以及政府对公民要求(wants and demands)的回应,即代表了满足群体所呼吁的而非客观上对其有利的政策福利。两者在概念上有所不同。本文首先在理论上分析自变量和应变量不同维度之间的关系,继而引用实证科学的定量和定性基本方法来检验所建立的理论关系。 ; 本研究证明,并非所有的导致回应要求(wants)的民主属性也有助于使政府回应基本需求(basic needs)。公众要求和公众客观需求作为公共政策所回应的目标具有不同的特征。从委托-代理理论框架来看,回应公众基本需求的政策需要政府采取不同于在回应主观要求时所采取的措施。由于这些不同点,在两个民主维度(政治竞争和公众参与)当中,只有后者对基本需求有积极影响,而前者往往会阻碍以回应基本需求为目的的政策。在政治竞争压力之下,追求选票最大化的政治家更倾向于采取回应社会现有要求的短期措施,且往往以忽视客观需求为代价。因此,为了避免民主化的高成本,需要促进民主的参与维度,且同时要缓解其竞争维度的激烈性。 ; The shift towards democracy globally under the "third wave" of democratization has stirred the conviction that democracy is not only a good thing in itself but also a promoter of general welfare. A considerable amount of research has been conducted to explore the effects of democracy on social outcomes. However, unequivocal conclusions regarding democracy's impact on health, education, life expectancy and other aspects of human well-being have not been achieved. Many democracies do not perform as good as they are expected to and are often outperformed by non-democratic regimes. Questions appear: How does political regime affect social performance? Is there a trade-off between democratization, on the one hand, and social development, on the other? If there is, how should democratization be carried out so as not to inhibit human well-being? ; This dissertation attempts to enhance our understanding of the impact of political regime on social outcomes by applying a dimensional approach. Instead of asking whether democracy is good or bad, it asks: which dimensions of political regime are good for which kinds of outcomes? What kinds of policies are promoted and what ...
It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]
It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]
by Wu Wai Man. ; Thesis submitted in: December 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Operationalization of the Theoretical Framework --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- General Configurations of the Collective Action Events Concerning Issues of Public Housing Estates --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Hong Kong Government's Propensity of Repression --- p.49 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Formal and Informal Access for Participants of the Public Housing Movement --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Policy and Strategic Orientation of the Grass-Root Oriented Political Parties --- p.99 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Changes in the Political Alignment: the Protrusions of Pro-China Resident Organizations --- p.125 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.133 ; Appendix Background Information of the Interviewees --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146
In Managing Frontiers in Qing China , historians and anthropologists explore China's imperial expansion in Inner Asia, focusing on early Qing empire-building in Mongolia, Xinjiang, Tibet, and beyond - Central Asian perspectives and comparisons to Russia's Asian empire are included. Taking an institutional-historical and historical-anthropological approach, the essays engage with two Qing agencies well-known for their governance of non-Han groups: the Lifanyuan and Libu . This volume offers a comprehensive overview of the Lifanyuan and Libu , revising and assessing the state of affairs in the under-researched field of these two institutions. The contributors explore the imperial policies towards and the shifting classifications of minority groups in the Qing Empire, explicitly pairing and comparing the Lifanyuan and Libu as in some sense cognate agencies. This text offers insight into how China's past has continued to inform its modern policies, as well as the geopolitical make-up of East Asia and beyond. Contributors include: Uradyn E. Bulag, Chia Ning, Pamela Kyle Crossley, Nicola DiCosmo, Dorothea Heuschert-Laage, Laura Hostetler, Fabienne Jagou, Mei-hua Lan, Dittmar Schorkowitz, Song Tong, Michael Weiers,Ye Baichuan, Yuan Jian, Zhang Yongjiang
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本論文從兩個方面研究了1996年美國福利制度改革對單身母親的影響。首先,本文研究了在SSI和AFDC/TANF兩個政府福利計劃之間是否存在替代效應。其次,本文研究了福利制度改革是否令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化(沒有參與工作亦沒有領取政府福利),以及研究她們的長期生活情況。利用美國三個具代表性的調查數據庫, difference-in-difference分析以及logistic回歸分析方法,本文有以下四點結論:(一)SSI和AFDC計劃之間並不存在替代效應;(二)對AFDC/TANF計劃實行五年的領取期限令到部分單身母親變得邊緣化;(三)在年福利改革之後,被邊緣化的單身母親在食物消費上並沒有發生太大的變化;(四)被邊緣化的單身母親傾向將她們多餘的時間分配在個人娛樂方面而不是在家務和照顧小孩上面。雖然年的福利改革成功地減少了領取/計劃的人數,但政策制定者仍需注意改革令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化,同時應制定相關政策來幫助她們。 ; This paper studies the effect of the 1996 welfare reform on single mothers, focusing on two important aspects. First, it examines the existence of programme substitution between SSI and former AFDC/TANF recipients after the reform. Second, it examines the prevalence of single mothers who were disconnected from government assistance and the job market since the reform and evaluates their long-term well-being. Using three major nationally representative surveys, difference-in-difference analysis, and logistic regression models, I arrive at four main findings. First, I find no evidence of a programme substitution effect between AFDC/TANF and SSI. Second, the five-year time limit policy is suggested as being responsible for part of the increase in the disconnected rate among single mothers. Third, disconnected single mothers did not face a food insecurity problem after welfare reform. Fourth, disconnected single mothers allocate much more time to personal entertainment than to productive activities such as housework and child care. While the 1996 welfare reform has succeeded in reducing AFDC/TANF caseloads, policy makers should pay attention to its effects on the disconnectedness of single mothers and help such women leave their disconnected status. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Hoi, Kam Un. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-62). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 摘要 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- The AFDC Programme and the 1996 Welfare ...
Wu, Shujun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leave 31). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Adelaide Nga-yan Lau. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2001. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4 ; Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25 ; The Habermasian public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Universal access ; Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern ; Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion ; Gatekeeping in production ; Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization ; Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46 ; Factors for developing public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Capitalism ; Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression ; Media and political communication in Hong Kong ; Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs ; Chapter ■ --- Period of germination ; Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition ; Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing ; Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong ; Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics ; Methodology --- p.p.47-55 ; Data collection ; Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case ; Data analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Content analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis ; Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76 ; Technologies enhance accessibility ; Equal opportunity for callers ; Selecting calls ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics ; What is universal access? ; Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96 ; Topics initiated by the public ; Handling of topics initiated by the public ; Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics ; Who sets the media agenda? ; Analysis III - Rational Discussion ...
Over the summer of 2015, the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown worked to activate public spaces in Vancouver's Chinatown in an intergenerational, intercultural manner through a series of events: the "Hot and Noisy" (熱鬧) Chinatown Mahjong Socials. On the surface, our goal was simple: to bring back Chinatown's 熱鬧, or "yeet low" in Cantonese, – literally, "hot and noisy", or liveliness and energy. Below the surface, we had more complex goals of being able to bring a youth voice to planning processes about the future of Chinatown, and building up political and social capacity of young generations of Chinese Canadians. We decided that our approach to activating public space had several criteria. It needed to be visible. It needed to be collaborative. It needed to demonstrate a cohesive, coordinated effort undertaken by younger generations, with the ability to involve many others. It needed to be intercultural and multilingual. It needed to foster relationships between young and old. It needed to be feasible to implement within a very short time frame. It needed to involve no to low hard costs. And it needed to be possible with the resources and skills we could readily bring to the table, amongst our team of organizers. By temporarily activating a public space, there is an opportunity to both share and transform the stories that we tell ourselves and each other in relation to it, and to create spaces of belonging. Based on participant observation/action as a member of the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown, I describe the "Hot and Noisy" (熱鬧) Chinatown Mahjong Socials as a case study of a youth-driven, grassroots process in public space activation. I discuss lessons learned and the implications for planning, urban design and community organizing. ; Applied Science, Faculty of ; Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of ; Unreviewed ; Graduate
Wang, Jing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-142). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract ; Acknowledgements ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.7 ; Chapter A. --- Background leading to the research question --- p.7 ; Chapter I. --- The socialist legacy: the institutional failure of China ´ةs labor regime --- p.8 ; Chapter II. --- Society in action: the emergence of migrant worker NGOs --- p.10 ; Chapter B. --- Research Question --- p.16 ; Chapter C. --- Significance of the research --- p.18 ; Chapter D. --- Research Structure --- p.21 ; Chapter I. --- Relationship with official trade unions --- p.22 ; Chapter II. --- Relationship with enterprises (suppliers and MNCs) --- p.22 ; Chapter III. --- Relationship with foreign NGOs --- p.24 ; Chapter F. --- The Organization of the Thesis --- p.24 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.26 ; Chapter A. --- State-society relations: a Civil Society Perspective --- p.27 ; Chapter B. --- Industrial relations as Embedded in the State-society Relations --- p.35 ; Chapter C. --- Major Inadequacies in Literatures --- p.40 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.42 ; Chapter A. --- Research Question and Research Design --- p.42 ; Chapter B. --- Justifications for Case Study as an Appropriate Method for this Research --- p.44 ; Chapter C. --- Selection of the Case --- p.48 ; Chapter D. --- Conducting Case Studies --- p.49 ; Chapter E. --- Problems Associated with the Case Study --- p.51 ; Chapter F. --- Summary --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Impoverishment of Migrant Labor: Global Capitalism and China's Urban-rural Structural Divide --- p.51 ; Chapter A. --- Global Capitalism: the Political Economy of Export-orientated Industry --- p.55 ; Chapter B. --- Labor Regime Facilitative to Exploitation --- p.59 ; Chapter C. --- The Socio-political Underpinnings of the Labor Regime: Residence Registration System and Two-tier Labor Market --- p.63 ; Chapter D. --- ...
by Chan Wai Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-171). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; List of tables --- p.viii ; List of abbreviations --- p.ix ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Research Case --- p.2 ; The Puzzle --- p.4 ; Methodology --- p.6 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.8 ; Chapter 2 --- Intergenerational Non-investment-inducing Public Goods and the State --- p.11 ; National and Cultural pride as an Intergenerational Non-investment- inducing Public Good --- p.11 ; The Nature of the State --- p.19 ; Good State --- p.20 ; """Neutral"" State" --- p.22 ; Bad State --- p.24 ; Chapter 3 --- China as an Entrepreneurial State --- p.33 ; State Administration in China --- p.33 ; Central-local Fiscal Relations from a Historical Perspective --- p.41 ; Fragmented State Perspective --- p.45 ; Entrepreneurial State Perspective --- p.47 ; Public Choice's Critiques --- p.58 ; China as an Entrepreneurial State: Revised --- p.66 ; Chapter 4 --- Archaeological Protection in China --- p.68 ; Archaeological Protection in Democratic Countries --- p.68 ; National Laws and Regulations of Archaeological Protection in China --- p.75 ; Difficulties Encountered in Archaeological Protection --- p.87 ; Chapter 5 --- Preservation of the Relics of the Nanyue Kingdom in Guangzhou --- p.94 ; The City of Guangzhou --- p.94 ; Regulations on the Protection of the Cultural Relics in the Guangdong Province and Guangzhou --- p.96 ; Archaeological Protection in Guangzhou --- p.99 ; The Preservation of the Royal Relics of the Nanyue Kingdom --- p.101 ; Chapter 6 --- The Political Logic of Preserving Cultural Legacy --- p.118 ; Identifying the Individual Actor: Mayors of Guangzhou --- p.119 ; Chinese Officials as a Political Actor --- p.121 ; Establishing a Modern Civil Service --- p.122 ; A Performance-based Civil Service --- p.126 ; The Political Logic of Preservation of Cultural Legacy in Guangzhou --- p.133 ...
Ho Man-sze. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of Tables ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 ; Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 ; Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 ; Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 ; Research Questions --- p.8 ; Significance of the Study --- p.10 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 ; Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 ; Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 ; The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 ; The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 ; Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 ; The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 ; Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 ; A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 ; Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 ; The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 ; Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 ; Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 ; Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 ; Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 ; "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 ; Summary --- p.81
Lo Suet-yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-153). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstracts --- p.i-iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 1 --- Emergence of Primary Science Education and the General Development of Science Curriculum in the World ; Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review of Development of Primary Science Curriculumin Hong Kong ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Organization of This Study ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Historical Review of the Hong Kong Primary School System and Major Research Concerns of This Study --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- "Historical Review of Primary Schooling and its Political, Social, and Economic Context" ; Chapter 2.2 --- Curriculum Decision-Making in Hong Kong Primary Schooling ; Chapter 2.3 --- Concluding Remarks ; Chapter 2.4 --- Major Research Concerns of This Study ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Literature Review --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Functionalist Theory ; Chapter 3.2 --- Conflict Theory ; Chapter 3.3 --- Institutionalist Theory ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Methodological Approach --- p.56 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Official Syllabi of Primary Science Curriculum ; Chapter 4.2 --- Government Document on Educational and Curricular Policies ; Chapter 4.3 --- Documentary Analysis ; Chapter 4.4 --- Limitations of My Study ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Historical Analysis of Primary Science Curriculum in Hong Kong --- p.63 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Historical Review of Primary Science Curriculum in Hong Kong ; Chapter 5.2 --- Analysis of Educational Aims ; Chapter 5.3 --- Analysis of Pedagogy ; Chapter 5.4 --- Analysis of Educational Content ; Chapter 5.5 --- "Summary of the Evolving Pattern of Primary Science Curriculum: Aims, Pedagogy, and Educational Content" ; Chapter 5.6 --- Historical Changes of the Primary Science Curriculum and Assessment of Major Sociological Perspectives ; Chapter 5.7 --- Some Concluding Remarks ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- The Role of Government in the Development of ...
