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The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author regards his book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity, as a summarized polemical autobiography. For him, above all, Marx is an extremely successful key for a new understanding of the classical political and political-economic theory and for its applicability in future analysis and projections of ways out from the actual world crisis. Even though in his book he documented and elaborated ways of completing Marx's critique of political economy in accordance with Marx's plan from Das Kapital, and demonstrated also the possibility of founding a critical political theory on the basis of the critique of political economy. For Dag Strpic, a critical political theory, contradictory to Marx's planning, would be required already in building a concretized theory of markets and prices in the "competition of a multitude of capitals" on the "surface of civil society" -- based on Marx's methodology. Somewhat aside from that, in this article Strpic is focused on an extended clarification of the Modern Normal's meaning. The Modern Normal (MN) in his book was constructed in an analysis based on a combination of classical modern and contemporary political and political-economic theory. But also on analytical use of results of all social sciences and humanities in principle, and science as a whole -- especially by necessity of problem-solving public policy. With a fundamental and implementational focus on an integral political science. In this, Strpic holds on to the basic scheme of the Modern Normal, Fl, from his book. Strpic's Modern Normal in this basic form is designed as a cross-section view of a corridor of cyclical movements of changing orders and fluctuating processes in mutually structurized elements of modern nation-states and their world-system. Those orders and elements developed various foundations on classical modern political and political-economic principles. With various centers of gravity or normals and different formating dominants in a structure of sequential political/political-economic counterpoints of development in series of historically different variants of the Modern Normal. Strpic observes the conjunctures and crises of development of those processes and orders, and also the actual worldwide economic, political, social and cultural crisis, through cycles of the Modern Normal as a whole. This is most evident in semi-centennial and (multi)centennial cycles, and most striking in great crises and pics of conjunctures. Adapted from the source document.

The article brings up the basic issues of comparative public policy, a separate research orientation in contemporary political science. First, the principal works that have defined this research discipline are looked into. The contributions of two subdisciplines of contemporary political science -- public policy & political economy -- are highlighted. The second part of the article investigates the fundamental methodological issues, synthesized into two basic dilemmas: what should be understood under the term government activity, & how it is possible to measure this performance. The author is of the opinion that most works from the field of comparative public policy are largely devoted to the comparison of governments' financial activities, which are the easiest to measure due to a broad accessibility of the data on public expenditure, public sector growth, unemployment, etc. Referring to the Canadian author Louis Imbeau, the author stresses the need for a broader understanding of comparative public policy that would include those comparisons that do not exclusively rely on governments' financial activities. 2 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new Rule Book of Definition of Scientific Areas. According to the book, Politology is a scientific field in the area of social science. It is divided into 3 branches: (1) Politology, (2) Theory and History of Politics, & (3) Political Philosophy. By using documents, the author of this article shows how political science is differently structured by IPSA & APSA. The author describes 120 years of dominantly American development of political science & of professions of political scientists, which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines & areas of expertise that are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: (1) Political Institutions, (2) Political Behavior, (3) Comparative Politics, (4) International Relations, (5) Political Theory, (6) Public Policy & Public Administration/Management, (7) Political Economy, & (8) Political Methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on the development of science, research organization, renewal of teaching staff at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 133 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article points to the importance of research into the dimensions of public policy creation beyond the central government & other levels of government. The author shows that public policy researchers were made open for those dimensions of policy creation by the governance literature, but also that opening the debate on the role of horizontal policy actors can not be reduced to simply taking the issue over from the governance literature. Instead, the article shows that the research into the new dimensions was facilitated by the changed logic of policy creation that today can no longer be described as "command & monitor" but rather as "negotiate & cooperate." For understanding the latter logic of policy creation the research of public policy inspired by organization theory are very important. The author also shows the importance of connecting the research problems of policy science & governance, backing his claim with an example of research into the role of public policy coordination. In the last part of the article the author points to the possible framework of research into the problem of coordination in the Croatian context. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the concept of the New Public Management, a common term for a series of public sector reforms being put into practice in the last 20 years in most OECD countries, as well as in developing & transitional countries. The role of the state is expected to be modified with these reforms & would no longer be that of the standard-bearer of progress but of an agent & catalyst of the process of development. A special place belongs to GB, which has a long tradition of a highly esteemed civil service (state administration). The New Public Management used to be linked to Margaret Thatcher's political platform, but outlived her administration. Nevertheless, with time, this "revolution" has proved to have its limits, while privatization & market competition have not boosted GB's macroeconomic indexes. Thus, it is not altogether clear why this model of reform had to be applied in underdeveloped countries. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper is reviewing basic features of contemporary economic crisis, from the standpoint of political economy and public policy. The argument developed in the paper is, on the one hand, based on the political economy of the public sector and its crucial empirical findings. Secondly, the contributions of public policy theory related to basic problems of public governance systems are systematically reviewed, by emphasising the potential of these systems for formulating development policy. The paper is also discussing the importance of the non-economic sources of economic crises. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the future prospects of diplomatic service in the era of globalization. In his analysis, he draws from the German experience & the book Wem dient der auswartige Dienst? The author claims that foreign policy is determined by economic issues so it is pointless to separate the security/political & the economic/political aspects & competences of a government. The same applies to diplomatic corps: they cannot be exempted from economic tasks. Heads of diplomatic offices today have to be partners regarding economic topics when discussing politics & economy of the host country. Concerning the role of nongovernmental organizations, the author thinks that they cannot replace the state & its civil servants. For communicating with them, foreign service needs "generalists" more than "specialists." The key value of the future foreign service includes an overall review of the bilateral relations with the host country; this envisages that diplomats are to retain their central role in the networking of various actors & areas. Besides the legal/consular, economic, cultural & security/political tasks, diplomatic offices regularly maintain contacts & cooperate with the host country in specialized fields such as defense, science, social issues, & agriculture. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author introduces the concept of agonistic democracy as an alternative to the deliberative model, along the lines of John Gray & Chantal Mouffe in their insistence on the primacy of the political in the public sphere & the agonistic character of social relations. On the one hand, the primacy of the political calls our attention to the drawbacks of the solutions to political & social conflicts by means of legal procedures. On the other, the agonistic theory of plural societies insists on relinquishing the harmonious view of society; ie, we have to come to terms with the fact that there are certain unsolvably & irreducibly deep conflicts. Agonistic democracy highlights social conflicts & divisions with the explicit purpose of their discursive grouping, the formation of a hegemonic discourse & the permanent reshuffling of the existing power relations, & to avoid their downsizing. Its goal is to turn antagonism (friend-foe) into agonic (friend-adversary). The paper ends on a cautionary note by identifying the shortcomings of all democratic models, including those by Gray or Mouffe, which is particularly important to bear in mind at a time when we are becoming -- or have already become -- bigger losers in peacetime than in an open conflict. Hence, there is not perfect democratic model or a perfect recipe for eradicating tragic conflicts. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.