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The article analyzes the relevance, factors and prospects of the transformation of modern sociological science. It is noted that digital technologies significantly change the fundamental foundations of social interaction, most everyday social practices, structures and conflicts. This poses a number of serious challenges to sociology as a science. It is emphasized that it is time to think deeply not only about the problem of transformation of what sociology studies, but also about the transformation of sociology itself as a specific intellectual practice. Attention is focused on the need for sociological analysis and interpretation of large-scale and long-term social processes, changes in the traditional way of sociology's participation in the formation of state social policy and the implementation of social reforms. Endogenous factors hindering the leadership of sociological science in the modern public intellectual discourse are identified, namely: fragmentation of sociology, its division into a huge number of directions, particular, local thematizations; lack of research attention of sociologists to the fundamental problems of social life; modern sociology does not form an agenda for public intellectual discourse and scientific research, does not define the problematic field of research and interpretation both at the microsocial level and at the level of societal and global phenomena; it is not socially engaged, does not engage in dialogic interaction with various groups of the public, does not help them to realize their values, interests and problems, to fight for their solution; sociologists do not show activity in related research areas (for example, such as social communications, public relations, advertising, marketing, political consulting, conflict studies), do not use for this a rich arsenal of sociological theoretical concepts, quantitative and qualitative methods; despite the mediatization of social life, sociology is not sufficiently media-based, it is extremely weakly present in the media space. A conclusion is formulated about the need to transform sociological thinking and sociological imagination, the need for serious changes in the educational programs of professional training of students, in particular their practical component, the search for new formats of professional communication.

The article is devoted to understanding the specifics of the social mission and the state of legal consolidation of the administrative legal personality of councilors in public authorities and local governments. It is emphasized that the problem of selection of candidates for the positions of advisers to the heads of public authorities is the subject of lively discussion, as a rather controversial collective image of the adviser has formed in the public consciousness. This is due to his belonging to officials who hold a particularly responsible position and perform official duties in the presence of a high level of corruption risks. It is established that the commitment of candidates for advisers is carried out in the context of providing scientific support for the formation and implementation of public policy, implementation of best management practices, finding optimal management and legal algorithms for resolving conflicts, improving the quality of management decisions. The urgent need to improve the domestic service legislation by adopting a special law on patronage service in order to unify the legal framework for the organization and operation of patronage services. First of all, it is necessary to normatively enshrine the right of specific public authorities to establish a patronage service, to provide an exhaustive list of patronage service positions for each of these bodies, to provide the right of equal access to patronage service, to introduce a single mechanism for selection and appointment of patronage service employees. professional achievements and personal business qualities, to differentiate their powers depending on the specifics of public authority of individual officials, which create patronage services. There is also a need to specify the functions, main tasks and powers of advisers to heads of public authorities, articulation of basic qualification requirements for candidates for advisers, clear definition of legal bases of interaction of advisers with career civil servants and communication with civil society institutions, articulation of moral and ethical imperatives. official activity of advisers. Keywords: public service, patronage service, adviser in state authorities and local self-government bodies, staff adviser, advisor on a voluntary basis.

The article considers the peculiarities of the formation of regulatory policy in Ukraine in public administration reform. The influence of the experience of economically developed countries and international organizations on the implementation of effective regulatory policy in Ukraine is analyzed. The activities of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, which aim to improve the efficiency of public administration in the field of regulatory policy and cooperation of Ukraine with the Organization within the Memorandum of Understanding on deepening cooperation, are studied. The directions for improving the legal regulation of regulatory policy in Ukraine are analyzed. It is substantiated that the national legal doctrine of Ukraine does not have relevant developments that could ensure the unity of approaches to the relationship of regulatory policy, planning, legal forecasting, the formation of legal regulation in the regulation field. This affects the quality of proposed bills in the areas where regulation is still quite difficult for the Ukrainian legal system due to the lack of experience, and extrapolation of European experience is not always productive in terms of underdeveloped infrastructure and other technical and social factors.

The article analyzes corruption as an extra-legal phenomenon that destroys the morality and values of society, threatens democracy and human rights, deforms the functions of state power, discrediting it both within the country and in the international arena. It is noted that the formation of dysfunctions in the sphere of public administration is not the main socio-political danger of corruption.The threat of "corrosion" and gradual destruction of social ties in the system of state regulation, public control and the functioning of social institutions is creating. The sociological and legal interpretation of corruption made it possible to study it as a trigger that weakens statehood, to reveal the social mechanism of the influence of corruption ties on state institutions, to assess the political, economic, legal, socio-structural and psychological factors of its spread. The authors characterize foreign and domestic "models" of corruption and ways of counteracting it from the standpoint of the ontological approach; she also has identified social markers that reflect its specificity in Ukraine; a real assessment of the degree of effectiveness of anti-corruption actions in Ukraine are presented; the expediency of analyzing corruption in the international aspect, especially the mechanisms, forms and methods of Ukrainian corruption spreading in the world corruption services and the penetration of transnational corruption into the Ukrainian political and economic space; it is also revealed the effect of the social mechanism of corruption in the structure of the state, as a result of which the process of state regulation loses its morality and social value. It is shown that the stable, actively "mutating", adaptive to the majority of social changes, the nature of corruption in Ukraine does not only forms and reproduces the tolerant attitude of government and a significant part of the public, but it also actively inhibits democratic transformations and deforms the public consciousness of Ukrainians. It is emphasized that "salus populi" is the most pragmatic option among the systemic models of fighting corruption (totalitarian, authoritarian, liberal).

The article is devoted to the existence and development of domestic sociological science in the Soviet period. The author tries to prove that even during the totalitarian regime sociology tried to develop. Thus, the development of sociological science, which slowed down greatly during the totalitarian regime, intensified in the era of the "thaw", when thousands of scientists in the USSR were attracted in so-called "social forecasting", conducting and implementing a number of research programs of an applied nature by order of the party and state leadership. Thus, in the Ukrainian SSR a process of revival and formation of sociological science began in the 50-60's of the twentieth century, albeit rather slowly and in the form of irregular research. The article argues that the mentioned revival became possible due to a number of objective factors: the liberalization of the political system associated with economic reform and the urgent need for practical social knowledge. During this period Ukrainian sociology had only a regional status, which on the one hand did not provide such broad opportunities as the "central" Russian science, and on the other hand, it contributed to specific differences and a certain freedom and creativity. But such an imbalance also brought some benefits, since remoted from the center academic institutions were freer in choosing areas of pedagogical and sociological work, therefore they were more likely to gain experience in creating various specialized training in this scientific field and thematic sociological research. The article also analyzes the fact that, taking into account the ideological postulates, sociology in the USSR has always been considered a science that deals primarily with social relations in the field of production. That is, it was assigned the role of scientific substantiation and development of long-term social policy and ways of its implementation in the form of " plans of social development ". Thus, the renewal of sociology in Ukraine was determined by the practice of economic and social planning in particular, and the entire period of the 60's - early 70's in Ukrainian sociology was held under the auspices of industrial sociology.

The article is based on the existing law doctrine of division of law into private and public. The author analyses the influence of the doctrine on the relationships that arise in the financial services markets. The author takes into account the results of researches conducted by domestic and foreign scholars, which were carried out in the field of law and economics. The author uses general scientific and special methods as those that form the basis of the work. The research substantiates that objectively the doctrine dividing law into private and public does not exist. Doctrine is the product of a sociocultural interpretation of the researcher's thinking process. At the same time, the doctrine is naturally refers to the structure of the financial market. The author analyses the internal mechanism of circulation of cash flows and settlements in the global financial market. This analysis is the empirical basis for the research and subsequent theoretical understanding. The author proves that the concept of separation of rights into private and public law is not a universal concept that is inherent in all countries. The doctrine is fundamental only in the countries with Romano-Germanic legal system. The idea of dividing law into private and public was not reflected at the doctrine level in the countries with Anglo-Saxon legal system. The problem of the substitution of concepts was enrooted directly in the very doctrine of law, which existed in Soviet times. It was connected with the absence of the concept of "private law" in the Soviet legal thinking. The idea of social justice changes beyond recognition in the direction of public law. The author focuses on the issue of how to ensure the sustainable development of the financial system and its main institutions (structures) using the theoretical concept of dividing law into private and public. The author emphasizes the need to take into account the diversity of legal understanding of the financial market as a social phenomenon. The research methodology should be as appropriate as possible to the research object. The idea of social justice should act as a regulator of mutual relations between members of society. Practical activity in the financial markets in the modern world tends to converge. Public law assumes the fulfilment of a social function. Therefore, the author comes to the conclusion that law is a means of reaching a compromise between members of society, provided that individual freedom is preserved and there is no need to oppose private law to public law. The author proves that European political and legal standards are built on such postulates, particularly concerning the field of calculations. Keywords: financial system, financial services markets, settlement relations, the doctrine of separation of rights into private and public.

The article is devoted to the research of the institute of responsibility of public servants in the system of service law of Ukraine. It is emphasized the importance of legal support for the functioning of the public service system, in particular the regulation of the mechanism of responsibility of public servants. It is noted that the institution of responsibility is a mandatory element of the system of every branch of law, including official, because it is this legal entity whose task is to ensure the proper implementation of the legal status of every public servant. Considering the responsibility of public servants from the standpoint of social and legal content, the author emphasizes that the views of scholars on this issue are very different, as they reflect the palette of the worldview of each individual researcher and characterize the various aspects of public relations. In a wide sense, responsibility is a legal relationship between public authorities in the person of its authorized bodies and subjects of law, for the accurate and conscientious implementation of the requirements contained in the relevant rules of law. Analyzing the scientific views of scholars on responsibility, it is emphasized that in general, the liability of public servants should be understood as a procedurally established application of coercive measures of coercive influence on a particular public person for committing an offense. It is stated that the content of the legal nature of the institute of disciplinary responsibility of public servants, in particular in the system of service law of Ukraine, which needs proper research, remains important and extremely necessary for law enforcement and human rights activities of authorized subjects. Based on the analysis of scientific achievements of local and foreign scholars on the legal system, it is emphasized that currently there are different approaches to understanding the systemic structure of legal branches, in particular some scholars remain on the views developed in our time, while others try to adapt European researchers-lawyers on the system of law on modern Ukrainian realities. As a result, the author emphasizes that we can now state that each branch of law, which we call general, special or special law, always contains a list of legal norms in the appropriate relationship and sequence and thus ensuring the ability of the subject of rule-making, law enforcement or human rights activities to achieve the desired result – to create or harmonize existing social relations, giving them the status of legal relations. Keywords: public service, service law, responsibility, legal system, general, special and special part, sanctions.

The article provides a comparative review of the history, current status and areas of scientific activity of the Sociological Association of Ukraine (SAU), its creative ties with the European and world sociological community, in particular, joint research with Polish scientists. It emphasizes that most of the Ukrainian sociologists SAU members work in universities, the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and public opinion research centers. Numerous sociological (theoretical and empirical) studies on various issues of vital activity of modern Ukrainian society are carried out by their efforts. It is noted that in addition to studying the issues of social transformation in its political, economic, legal, social and cultural aspects, that have become traditional for Ukrainian sociology, in recent years Ukrainian sociologists have turned to the analysis of such problems as external and internal migration (the problem of internally displaced persons); military conflict in the east of Ukraine and the volunteer movement; social inequality, including in its new manifestations, including those caused by the digitalization of public life. It is emphasized that today the most pressing issue of sociological reflection is the changes that occur in Ukraine after the last presidential election. Attention is focused on the fact that the victory of the political rookie in these elections was due to the huge social disappointments of the Ukrainians, since their expectations provoked by the Revolution of Dignity were not fulfilled. The first and most important disappointment, according to sociological studies, is the fact that peace has not reigned in the country. Second, the living standards of Ukrainian citizens have not improved. Third, the fight against corruption did not bring significant results. Fourth, social inequality deepened: the rich became richer, and the poor became poorer. The fifth disappointment is the inefficiency of the declared reforms: judicial, medical, educational, customs, electoral, etc. It is emphasized that the effectiveness of the new government depends, among other things, on its consideration of such features of the mass consciousness of the Ukrainian population as a critical level of distrust of all institutions of power; value and ideological ambivalence and uncertainty. The conclusions are formulated about the unlikeliness of return of Ukraine to the orbit of Russian political and economic influence, as well as the victory of radical nationalist ideology in our country.

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.

The article analyzes one of the problems of personal relations belonging to the ethnic minority of the immigration community and the English- and French-speaking majority of the elite nation of the country of new immigrants, highlights the problem of preserving the national identity of Ukrainians in the Canadian diaspora through persistent, consistent and tolerant steps. Ukrainian linguist, folklorist, Slavist, librarian, organizer of science, teacher, public figure, Professor J. Rudnytsky in opposition to the linguistic assimilation of his own people; the principledness of the scientist in resolving the linguistic conflict, which gave a positive solution for both parties - Canada and the Ukrainian diaspora. The importance of the civic position and significant potential opportunities to influence the official circles of the country, government commissions, committees, international organizations and public opinion of authoritative intellectual work in society and academia, which, using historically sound evidence, proves the objectivity of his point of view. in this way he protects the national dignity of his people, their ancient and rich culture and defends his moral principles and beliefs. A bibliographic review of J. Rudnytsky's scientific work was carried out, where on the basis of historically balanced facts, historical-political, linguistic analysis he investigated the essence of language assimilation, which is equal to the destruction of national identity. It is shown that lexicographical works, conclusions from them gave the scientist a basis to win the struggle for the Constitutional recognition of the Ukrainian language in Canada, which supported the policy of official languages and multiculturalism in the country. It is emphasized that scientific conclusions gave the scientist the opportunity to summarize and summarize the research and became the basis for the introduction into public circulation of a capacious definition - linguocide (language murder), which is now widely used in scientific works.

The article analyzes the backbone markers of democracy identified by A. Tocqueville against the background of a comparison of aristocratic systems and effective democracy. The essential signs of democratic transformations are presented: a gradual but noticeable increase in the material well-being of an average citizen; effective central government with effective local self-government and significant influence on their decisions of universal human values; public opinion as one of the full-fledged branches of power; a quantitatively limited apparatus of officials/civil servants, as accessible as possible for communication with the population; lack of connection between an ascending political career and personal enrichment; subordination of citizens not to an official, but to the current legislation; education of patriotism by involving as many citizens as possible in the government of the country; mass will expressing with the help of political rights and freedoms. It is noted that such signs, according to A. Tocqueville, include the absence of political censorship, the presence of freedom of speech; the unimportance of the political struggle against the background of solving, first of all, the problems of the country's material life support; public activity; enlightenment of the people; respect for production work; intensive communication within the country with the help of a developed social infrastructure; constant formation of new goals of social development, as well as a permanent desire for their implementation; psychological youth of the average person; optimistic outlook on the future; dynamism of professional opinion regarding the solution of social problems; the rule of law, the equality of all citizens before the law; opportunities for citizens, thanks to the results of their own work, to compete for social success on an equal footing. It is emphasized that the "enemies" of democracy, according to A. Tocqueville, are unlimited, uncontrolled power; desire for its usurpation; use of excessive force; despotism, which is especially harmful to the production of material wealth; political absenteeism; social apathy; inaction; destructive traditionalism; the authority of the individual, associated only with hereditary status and wealth. The attention is focused on one of the paradoxes of A. Tocqueville, in which he saw the advantage of the democratic process. According to the philosopher, among the ruled there are many outstanding people who, as a result of the processes of electoral democracy, for some reason did not find themselves in the circle of the elite. It is emphasized that A. Tocqueville explained this by a wide range of available opportunities for personal self-realization outside of a political career. At the same time, the coming to power of an average person, according to the thinker, contributes to the growth of mass education, social activity, social responsibility, and rational thinking on a societal scale. All this forms a huge public energy for positive socio-political and economic changes. Particular attention is paid to the mutual influence of political freedom and economic prosperity, recorded by A. Tocqueville.

The article describes the division of the Ukrainian community of Canada in the interwar period into a number of public and political organizations. The focus is on the national and patriotic bloc, which opposed the communist one. The basis of this bloc constituted liberal the Ukrainian self-reliance league of Canada, nationalist the Ukrainian war veterans association in Canada, the Ukrainian national federation of Canada, conservative the Ukrainian catholic brotherhood of Canada, and the United hetman organization. The basis of the various conflicts in the bloc, including differences in ideological postulates of liberal, nationalist and conservative societies and views on the religion of Orthodox and Greek Catholics who were members of the organizations mentioned above are analyzed in the study. It is described how opposing parties resisted against each other, and what role the press played in those conflicts. The article also enlightens attempts of agreements between public organizations and mentions joint actions to support the Ukrainian issue in the world. The common goal could reconcile the national and patriotic public associations at the time of the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee on November 7, 1940, which marked a new stage in the social and political life of the Ukrainian Diaspora, as it was emphasized in the article. The reasons that hindered Ukrainian societies from reaching a mutually acceptable consensus and promoted further aggravation of relations were elucidated. The main consequences of conflicts in the environment of national and patriotic public organizations were identified, namely how it was reflected in the social and political life of the Ukrainian diaspora during the interwar period, how it was perceived by the ruling circles of Canada, and how it was used by the communist groups.

The aim of the article is to demonstrate the potential of sociological concepts by Italian political scientist and sociologist Donatella Della Porta and American sociologist Drew Halfmann, to analyze political participation and motivation for it, to determine a new perspective for understanding the essence of political participation, the factors by which political involvement can be transformed. Within the framework of the analysis of D. Della Porta's concept, the features of the organization of social movements and the mobilization of their participants in the information society are outlined, based on the emergence of horizontal ties between the participants of social movements based on the formation of identity, solidarity, collective actions and democratic innovations. The features of citizens' political participation and the process of opinion formation in connection with the functioning of communicative spaces with high discursive quality are described. Attention is drawn to the D. Della Porta's concept of political consumerism, which defines heuristic possibilities for studying political participation through the lens of political consumption and demonstrative behavior, as well as identifying factors influencing political participation (belonging to a group, hedonism, demonstration of a certain way of life, etc.). Within the framework of the analysis of the concept of D. Halfmann, the specificity of the implementation of social policy and its influence on citizens, the success of social movements depending on the political context are considered. D. Halfmann's argument regarding the conceptual advantages of using the term "political context" to identify institutional conditions and factors conducive to political participation is outlined, and the author's position on the expediency of using the term "political opportunity" is indicated, taking into account the institutional, structural and dynamic factors of the political system. The tools that can facilitate the mobilization of social movement participants, in particular the grotesque proposed by D. Halfmann and meme as its counterpart in modern society, are considered.

The article focuses on the main trends in the revival of religion in the modern world, its active presence in global politics and international relations. It is substantiated that the religious revival at the turn of 1980-1990 in Ukraine, sharp Orthodox-Greek-Catholic and inter-Orthodox conflicts were the result of significant distortions of its institutional and confessional space caused by the party-Soviet religious policy. Special and specific signs of "return of religion" in Ukraine in the context of global religious changes, in particular, the dynamism, complexity and to this day the incompleteness of this process. The content and essential characteristics of the mutual influences of socio-cultural transformations and dynamics of changes in the religious complex of modern Ukraine, the influence of events related to the Revolution of Dignity and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of the country are analyzed. Peculiarities of life and social positioning of the main actors of the Ukrainian religious landscape, in particular, institutions of the Orthodox complex, UGCC, Protestant denominations, Islamic community, new religious movements are revealed. A number of difficult challenges facing the newly formed Orthodox Church of Ukraine are substantiated - ensuring internal unity, minimizing conflicts, creating their own landmark projects, finding a dialogical model of church reconciliation to overcome the religious frontier of the division of Ukrainian society. The dynamics of public ideas, clear ambivalence and controversy of public consciousness in the religious aspect - from the traditionally high level of trust in religion and the church, to a steady decline in assessments of their importance in the lives of citizens and socio-political processes. Conclusions and proposals on the intensification of the state policy of nationalcivil consolidation and active involvement of religion and religious organizations in this process have been formulated.

The purpose of this article is to examine potential trends in the development of the political system of Ukraine after the end of the Russia-Ukraine war. Social changes always take place taking into account both subjective and objective circumstances. Currently the Ukrainian state relies on three pillars for further transformation of political institutions: 1) the Ukrainian value-mental tradition, 2) our own experience of democratic development in recent decades, 3) the political will to embrace European values. The latter means that Ukraine voluntarily undertook the obligation to meet the Copenhagen criteria, including to demonstrate the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. In the political circles of Ukraine, there is a "plan to restart the state", which boils down to structural changes in the system of public administration. Ukraine needs qualitative changes in the system of political relations, it is necessary to eliminate the contradiction between the form and content of political institutions. Archaic practices, nepotism, eastern methods of holding power by suppressing the opposition, corruption in the state apparatus and purely criminal practices are hidden behind the modern facade. War not only destroys, but also gives impulses for development through the mobilization of the nation's forces. We have a chance to restart political institutions and consolidate new structures born of war. We must pay attention to the institution of national resistance, which, through the movement of territorial defense and the volunteer movement, led to a situation of social filtering. As a result, strata of people crystallized, for whom the public good is higher than selfish interests. It is important not to lose the energy of the masses after the war and to use the patriotic movement to build political institutions.