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Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

Prezentirani su i analizirani rezultati empirijskog istraživanja o razvoju kombinirane socijalne politike u Hrvatskoj. Kombinirana socijalna politika nov je sustav socijalne politike u kojem vlada, lokalne vlasti, organizacije civilnog društva, trgovačka društva (profitni sektor), obitelj (neformalni sektor) te drugi dionici djeluju na mjestu prijašnjeg monopolističkog položaja države. U takvom sustavu vlast i javna uprava prepoznaju organizacije civilnog društva i druge dionike kao partnere te s njima surađuju u procesu pripreme i donošenja odluka te provedbe socijalnih programa. Trendovi razvoja kombiniranih socijalnih politika ovise o nasljeđu i tipovima socijalnih režima. Razvoj kombinirane socijalne politike aktualan je i u tranzicijskim zemljama i uvelike je obilježen nasljeđem i utjecajem procesa pridruživanja Europskoj uniji. Prijašnja empirijska istraživanja kombinirane socijalne politike u Hrvatskoj upozorila su na probleme razumijevanja tog koncepta i na skromne domete njegova razvoja. U ovom istraživanju posebno je analizirana uloga civilnog društva i javne uprave kao ključnih dionika razvoja kombinirane socijalne politike. Rezultati istraživanja govore da se u Hrvatskoj utire put razvoju kombinirane socijalne politike te da postoje primjeri koji se mogu koristiti kao dobra praksa. ; The paper is a result of an empirical, action-oriented research about the development of combined social policy in Croatia. Combined social policy is a new system of social policy in which the government, local authorities, civil society organisations, the profit sector, family (the informal sector), and other participants take action instead of the previously monopolistic state. In such a system, government and public administration recognise civil society organisations and other participants as partners and cooperate with them in drafting and ecisionmaking processes and in implementation of social programmes. Recent trends in the development of combined social policy in developed countries reflect the necessity of mobilising all available resources in order to meet the ever increasing and different social needs. The trends of development of combined social policies depend on the heritage and the types of social regimes. The development of combined social policy is also topical in the countries in transition, and is greatly influenced by inherited issues and the EU accession process. Previous empirical research of combined social policy in Croatia warned about the problems of understanding the concept and of modest degrees of its development. The research particularly analyses the role of civil society and public administration as key partakers in the development of combined social policy. Research results have shown that development paths for combined social policy in Croatia are being made and that there are examples of good practice. The analysed partakers are bound by mutual cooperation, they are informed about the concept of combined social policy and possess relevant knowledge and ideas about its development. Civil society organisations are more active than public administration in promoting the idea and amending the programmes of combined social policy. National policy and institutional frameworks are important limitations to the modernisation of social policy. Final remarks contain a warning about the necessity of further research that should include a wider circle of participants.

Društvene mreže često služe kao alat političkim strankama i kandidatima za interakciju s potencijalnim glasačima. Opsežnim pregledom literature, identificirane su koristi upotrebe društvenih mreža, poput dobivanja publiciteta, širenja poruka i mobilizacije birača, ali i određeni nedostaci. Stoga se javlja potreba za praćenjem sadržaja koji se objavljuje te analizom utjecaja toga sadržaja na potencijalne birače. U ovome se radu analizira društvena mreža Facebook kao alat za korištenje u svrhu upravljanja odnosima s javnošću u političkim kampanjama. Metodološki pristup uključuje SWOT i TOWS analizu. SWOT se koristi za prepoznavanje ključnih čimbenika u vanjskome okruženju koji se identificiraju kao prilike ili prijetnje te čimbenika iz unutarnjega okruženja koji se mogu opisati kao prednosti ili slabosti korištenja Facebooka u ovu svrhu. SWOT analiza ne pokazuje različite sveze među čimbenicima, pa je razvijena matrica TOWS za identifikaciju strategija koje se mogu temeljiti na snagama, eliminaciji slabosti ili korištenju prilika. ; Social networks enable political parties and candidates interaction with potential voters. Extensive literature review indicated benefits of social networks usage, such as: gaining the publicity, spreading the message and mobilizing voters, but also some weaknesses. Therefore, there is a need to monitor the content being published on Facebook and to analyze the impact of this content on potential voters. This paper analyzes the social network Facebook as a tool for public relations management in political campaigns. The methodological approach includes SWOT and TOWS analysis. SWOT is used to identify key factors in an external environment that are identified as opportunities or threats and internal environment factors that can be described as the benefits or weaknesses of using Facebook for this purpose. The SWOT analysis does not show relation between the factors, thus TOWS matrix is developed to identify strategies based on the strengths, elimination of weaknesses or use of the opportunities.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

Središte pristupa u provedenom istraživanju predstavlja veći stupanj odgovornosti lokalnih vlasti grada Rijeke koja je u ingerenciji povećanja prvenstveno kvalitete i dostupnosti, a zatim i ostalih važnih karakteristika javnih usluga za sve građane grada, na način da osnaži ulogu svih dionika društva u definiranju, kreiranju, a onda provođenju takvih lokalnih politika koje će poboljšati javne usluge i povećati kvalitetu života građana te kreiranje SWOT matrice kao jedan od instrumenata za budući gospodarski i društveni razvoj grada Rijeke. Podaci su prikupljani tehnikom anketiranja, a znanstvena metodologija počiva na prikupljanju i analizi subjektivnih stavova građana. Rezultati deskriptivne analize pokazali su nezadovoljstvo korisnika/građana javnim uslugama. Rezultati kvalitativne analitičke metode pokazali su da su vizija i buduće razvojne strategije i brendiranja grada Rijeke i PGŽ kao ključne stavke, istaknute kao najveća slabost za budući gospodarski i društveni razvoj grada. Provedeno istraživanje pridonijelo je lakšem razumijevanju stavova o javnim uslugama iz čega proizlaze prijedlozi temeljem kojih gradska vlast i javne politike mogu bolje percipirati aktualno stanje i rezultate u vezi s javnim uslugama te porasta odgovornosti jedinica lokalne uprave i samouprave u poboljšanju kvalitete života građana, usklađivanjem s prijedlozima korisnika, a SWOT matrica poslužila je kao podloga za buduću izradu lokalnih strategija gospodarskog i društvenog rasta i razvoja. Istraživanje doprinosi osnaživanju Plana razvoja grada Rijeke od 2021. do 2027. g. ; The heart of the approach of the conducted research is a greater level of responsibility of the local government of the city of Rijeka which includes the increase, primarily, of the quality and the availability, and then of other important characteristics of public services for all the citizens of Rijeka, in such a way as to strengthen the role of all the members of society in defining, creating and then implementing such local policies which will improve public ...

The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author regards his book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity, as a summarized polemical autobiography. For him, above all, Marx is an extremely successful key for a new understanding of the classical political and political-economic theory and for its applicability in future analysis and projections of ways out from the actual world crisis. Even though in his book he documented and elaborated ways of completing Marx's critique of political economy in accordance with Marx's plan from Das Kapital, and demonstrated also the possibility of founding a critical political theory on the basis of the critique of political economy. For Dag Strpic, a critical political theory, contradictory to Marx's planning, would be required already in building a concretized theory of markets and prices in the "competition of a multitude of capitals" on the "surface of civil society" -- based on Marx's methodology. Somewhat aside from that, in this article Strpic is focused on an extended clarification of the Modern Normal's meaning. The Modern Normal (MN) in his book was constructed in an analysis based on a combination of classical modern and contemporary political and political-economic theory. But also on analytical use of results of all social sciences and humanities in principle, and science as a whole -- especially by necessity of problem-solving public policy. With a fundamental and implementational focus on an integral political science. In this, Strpic holds on to the basic scheme of the Modern Normal, Fl, from his book. Strpic's Modern Normal in this basic form is designed as a cross-section view of a corridor of cyclical movements of changing orders and fluctuating processes in mutually structurized elements of modern nation-states and their world-system. Those orders and elements developed various foundations on classical modern political and political-economic principles. With various centers of gravity or normals and different formating dominants in a structure of sequential political/political-economic counterpoints of development in series of historically different variants of the Modern Normal. Strpic observes the conjunctures and crises of development of those processes and orders, and also the actual worldwide economic, political, social and cultural crisis, through cycles of the Modern Normal as a whole. This is most evident in semi-centennial and (multi)centennial cycles, and most striking in great crises and pics of conjunctures. Adapted from the source document.

The article brings up the basic issues of comparative public policy, a separate research orientation in contemporary political science. First, the principal works that have defined this research discipline are looked into. The contributions of two subdisciplines of contemporary political science -- public policy & political economy -- are highlighted. The second part of the article investigates the fundamental methodological issues, synthesized into two basic dilemmas: what should be understood under the term government activity, & how it is possible to measure this performance. The author is of the opinion that most works from the field of comparative public policy are largely devoted to the comparison of governments' financial activities, which are the easiest to measure due to a broad accessibility of the data on public expenditure, public sector growth, unemployment, etc. Referring to the Canadian author Louis Imbeau, the author stresses the need for a broader understanding of comparative public policy that would include those comparisons that do not exclusively rely on governments' financial activities. 2 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article points to the importance of research into the dimensions of public policy creation beyond the central government & other levels of government. The author shows that public policy researchers were made open for those dimensions of policy creation by the governance literature, but also that opening the debate on the role of horizontal policy actors can not be reduced to simply taking the issue over from the governance literature. Instead, the article shows that the research into the new dimensions was facilitated by the changed logic of policy creation that today can no longer be described as "command & monitor" but rather as "negotiate & cooperate." For understanding the latter logic of policy creation the research of public policy inspired by organization theory are very important. The author also shows the importance of connecting the research problems of policy science & governance, backing his claim with an example of research into the role of public policy coordination. In the last part of the article the author points to the possible framework of research into the problem of coordination in the Croatian context. References. Adapted from the source document.

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new Rule Book of Definition of Scientific Areas. According to the book, Politology is a scientific field in the area of social science. It is divided into 3 branches: (1) Politology, (2) Theory and History of Politics, & (3) Political Philosophy. By using documents, the author of this article shows how political science is differently structured by IPSA & APSA. The author describes 120 years of dominantly American development of political science & of professions of political scientists, which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines & areas of expertise that are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: (1) Political Institutions, (2) Political Behavior, (3) Comparative Politics, (4) International Relations, (5) Political Theory, (6) Public Policy & Public Administration/Management, (7) Political Economy, & (8) Political Methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on the development of science, research organization, renewal of teaching staff at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 133 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the concept of the New Public Management, a common term for a series of public sector reforms being put into practice in the last 20 years in most OECD countries, as well as in developing & transitional countries. The role of the state is expected to be modified with these reforms & would no longer be that of the standard-bearer of progress but of an agent & catalyst of the process of development. A special place belongs to GB, which has a long tradition of a highly esteemed civil service (state administration). The New Public Management used to be linked to Margaret Thatcher's political platform, but outlived her administration. Nevertheless, with time, this "revolution" has proved to have its limits, while privatization & market competition have not boosted GB's macroeconomic indexes. Thus, it is not altogether clear why this model of reform had to be applied in underdeveloped countries. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper is reviewing basic features of contemporary economic crisis, from the standpoint of political economy and public policy. The argument developed in the paper is, on the one hand, based on the political economy of the public sector and its crucial empirical findings. Secondly, the contributions of public policy theory related to basic problems of public governance systems are systematically reviewed, by emphasising the potential of these systems for formulating development policy. The paper is also discussing the importance of the non-economic sources of economic crises. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the future prospects of diplomatic service in the era of globalization. In his analysis, he draws from the German experience & the book Wem dient der auswartige Dienst? The author claims that foreign policy is determined by economic issues so it is pointless to separate the security/political & the economic/political aspects & competences of a government. The same applies to diplomatic corps: they cannot be exempted from economic tasks. Heads of diplomatic offices today have to be partners regarding economic topics when discussing politics & economy of the host country. Concerning the role of nongovernmental organizations, the author thinks that they cannot replace the state & its civil servants. For communicating with them, foreign service needs "generalists" more than "specialists." The key value of the future foreign service includes an overall review of the bilateral relations with the host country; this envisages that diplomats are to retain their central role in the networking of various actors & areas. Besides the legal/consular, economic, cultural & security/political tasks, diplomatic offices regularly maintain contacts & cooperate with the host country in specialized fields such as defense, science, social issues, & agriculture. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author introduces the concept of agonistic democracy as an alternative to the deliberative model, along the lines of John Gray & Chantal Mouffe in their insistence on the primacy of the political in the public sphere & the agonistic character of social relations. On the one hand, the primacy of the political calls our attention to the drawbacks of the solutions to political & social conflicts by means of legal procedures. On the other, the agonistic theory of plural societies insists on relinquishing the harmonious view of society; ie, we have to come to terms with the fact that there are certain unsolvably & irreducibly deep conflicts. Agonistic democracy highlights social conflicts & divisions with the explicit purpose of their discursive grouping, the formation of a hegemonic discourse & the permanent reshuffling of the existing power relations, & to avoid their downsizing. Its goal is to turn antagonism (friend-foe) into agonic (friend-adversary). The paper ends on a cautionary note by identifying the shortcomings of all democratic models, including those by Gray or Mouffe, which is particularly important to bear in mind at a time when we are becoming -- or have already become -- bigger losers in peacetime than in an open conflict. Hence, there is not perfect democratic model or a perfect recipe for eradicating tragic conflicts. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.