Suchergebnisse

Major focus is on the process of scientific research planning in Nigeria. While scientific research is not a salient political issue, a broad consensus on the principal issues has emerged: (1) research must enjoy strong public support, with the government rather than the private sector providing leadership, (2) research planning must be considered an integral part of national development planning, which concentrates on transforming the economy into higher levels of productivity, (3) scientific research should have an applied orientation, & (4) the view that the social sciences should play a leading role, while technological benefits from research in the natural sciences should be imported, is generally rejected. Relations between academic scientists & government lack mutual confidence; no formal channel of communication exists between the official Nigerian scientific organization & the government's advisory body for national science & technology policy. Scientists are underrepresented in the decision-making bodies of the government, & underrecruited into the civil service. The national science policy machinery is organized in a 3-tiered structure (listed from highest to lowest): (A) the Nigerian Council for Science & Technology (NCST), (B) the 4 research councils--agriculture, industry, medicine, & natural science, & (C) research institutes & U departments. An important role is also played by the Federal Executive Council (the executive arm of the Supreme Military Council) & the secretariat of the NCST. The research councils & secretariat are staffed by experienced professional research scientists, who also have representation on the NCST. A description of the planning process of each of the councils notes that there is no central mechanism for coordinating social research. Although problems exist in the relationship between the U's & the other 2 levels, on the whole, there have been no rivalries between scientific interest groups over the allocation of financial resources. 1 Figure. J. N. Mayer.

Se describe el primer foco de Rabia Paralítica aparecido en la provincia de Tucumán, República Argentina, en el departamento de Burruyacú, en 1970, en cuya investigación el autor tiene intervención directa. Se describen focos posteriores en los departamentos de Trancas y Capital, en 1972 y 1974, respectivamente. Se calcula la pérdida producida por la enfermedad en el lapso 1970-1974 en pesos ley 1.309.800. Hasta la fecha no se han observado casos humanos. Se hace una descripción de las características ecológicas, políticas y de explotación agrícola-ganadera de la provincia, el área de dispersión del único vector y reservorio de Rabia Paralí- tica detectado en la zona, que es el murciélago hematófago Desmodus rotundus. Se describen sus refugios y se historia la enfermedad en la Argentina y su avance de norte a sud. Se detallan los elementos de lucha contra la enfermedad, consistentes en combatir al vampiro y vacunación de los animales susceptibles. ; The first outbreak of paralytic rabies which appeared in the province of Tucumán, Argentina, in the department of Burruyacú, in 1970, in the investigation of which the author took part directly, Is described. There are also related further outbreaks which occurred in the departments of Trancas and Capital, in 1972 and 1974, respectively. The losses produced by this disease during the period 1970-1794 are estimated in $ 1.309.800. Thus far no human cases were observed. A description is made of the ecological, political and agricultural and livestock characteristics of the province, the area of dispersion of the only detected vector and reservoir of paralytic rabies, the haemonhagus vampire bat 'Desmodus rotundus', with a description of its habitats The history of the disease in Argentina, and its spread from North to South are related. The measures to combat the disease, which consist in destruction of the bat and vaccination of susceptible livestock, are described. ; Facultad de Ciencias Veterinarias

In defense of myself and the Honors Committee I accept this assignment as a tribute for something, possibly for setting a new record as a hunger artist or for simply staying in town and reciting the penitential psalms daily for over 40 years. I have a sneaking suspicion that they may be exposing me for not being creative in the Greek sense of fulfilling the promise of one's birth. If I had got around to writing Pericles' funeral oration, Dostoevsky's "Grand Inquisitor," or E. E. Cummings' "What if a Much of a Which of a Wind," as I fully intended to do, they surely wouldn't have asked me to give this speech. But they did, confirming my aphorism that life is what we fail to make it. I'll seek comfort in the observation of one of my students, that the nice thing about being mediocre is that you are always at your best; also in the realization that even the seven wise men of Greece would have made serious errors in judgment had they been functioning as a committee. I have always been awed, and even disheartened, by the achievements, scholarship, and insights of many of my colleagues; and I wish that r could utter some memorable profundities on the mystery of it all, as they do so lucidly and finally. I would like to come up with even one thought worthy of being carved in stone. I know enough about politics to agree with the notion that Prometheus gave man all except political wisdom, which he reserved for the gods. I know enough about the social sciences to be aware of the changes in jargon that so often signify progress. I know enough about religion to sanction Kafka's belief that it is an inescapable fact of life and to add that it isn't any worse than we deserve.

204 interviews (which yielded 575 instances of knowledge use) were conducted by professional interviews between 1973 & 1974 among persons holding important positions in the executive branch of the US government, to determine familiarity with relevant social research & the extent of its application in policy-making. The R's represented "the entire range of governmental activities." Results are grouped under 4 categories: (1) what is used, (2) who uses social research, (3) purposes of knowledge use, & (4) impact. (1) 66% of the knowledge involved primary data sources; the majority methodology was social statistics involving large segments of the population, eg, demographic data or large-scale survey research on attitudes or behavior. Most information was sponsored by the using agency. R's reported a wide variety of sources, including informal knowledge channels as sources of information. (2) After utilization scores were developed, they were studied in conjunction with information processing style with respect to the use of 'scientific' (the internal logic of the policy issue) or 'extrascientific' (external logic--eg, political considerations). 3 orientations were identified--clinical, academic, & advocacy--which tended to correspond with the R's educational background. (3) There is a great deal of diversity of use, but the highest f is related to organizational or bureaucratic management. (4) Impact was estimated by coding for both number of persons affected & importance of decisions in the 575 instances of knowledge use; in the majority of instances, "matters of considerable individual & social consequence that affect sizeable segments of the population or the nation as a whole" were involved. Some parochialism was reflected in knowledge utilization in that relevant research produced outside the US is rarely used & in that knowledge affecting the nation as a whole tended to be produced in-house by the using agency. 7 Tables. J. N. Mayer.

L'ANALYSE DES SITUATIONS AUTORITAIRES : ÉTUDE BIBLIOGRAPHIQUE
JEAN-FRANÇOIS BAYART
L'absence de bibliographie de synthèse relative aux « autoritarismes » incite à inventorier et à évaluer les principaux modes d'appréhension de ces régimes à partir d'une centaine d'ouvrages choisis pour leur qualité monographique, leur intérêt comparatif ou leur contribution méthodologique. On peut différencier ces travaux selon trois critères majeurs : l'orientation politique et idéologique sous-jacente, l'approche utilisée, le site d'analyse retenu. Il apparaît alors que le niveau théorique et méthodologique des travaux disponibles est souvent médiocre, que peu d'entre eux étudient les régimes autoritaires en tant que tels et que les échanges scientifiques entre spécialistes des diverses aires géographiques et culturelles sont restreints. Ces constatations appellent un effort méthodologique renouvelé et adapté à une meilleure compréhension des situations autoritaires, dans une perspective comparative.
[Revue française de science politique XXVI (3), juin 1976, pp. 483-520.] AN ANALYSIS OF AUTHORITARIAN SITUATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHIC STUDY JEAN-FRAN OIS BAYART The lack of consolidated bibliography on authoritarian situations provides the incentive to catalogue and evaluate the main methods of understanding these regimes on the basis of some hundred works chosen for their quality as mono graphs their comparative worth or their contribution as regards methodology These works can be distinguished by means of three major criteria the under lying political and ideological orientation the approach used and the area of analysis adopted It transpires in fact that the theoretical and methodological level of the works available is in many cases mediocre that few of them investi gate authoritarian regimes as such and that scientific exchanges between specia lists from various geographic and cultural areas are limited These findings illustrate the need for comparative purposes for new methodology appropriate to better understanding of authoritarian situations Revue fran aise de science politique XXVI 3) juin 1976 pp 483-520.

R. Nozick's book, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974) has received much attention from serious critics & speechwriters. The book is "politically naive, philosophically deficient, & historically irrelevant." It claims that everything (ie, freedom & human rights) is for sale; only price is at question. Nozick has rehashed the old concept of entitlement to incorporate his notion of state of nature with that of the supremacy of individual rights; his proposals have little concern with modern political & social realities. His "protective agencies," which promote the rights of possession for each member of the agency, constitute a scheme which is contrary to history. Humans can, in some instances, form communities which agree to recognize certain individual rights; but these rights are defined & established by the community, & it is a far cry from Nozick's state of nature. Given a finite resource or space, certain individuals will invariably seek to control these resources to the detriment of their fellows. Only when societies recognize the true tendencies of human nature, have they been able to retard the grossly unjust apportionment of property. Nozick asserts that "the legitimate powers of a protective association are merely the sum of the individual rights that its members or clients transfer to the association." But Nozick ignores the profound difference between "rights" & "powers." He fails to deal with the effects of power on individuals & organizations. His notions rest on the principle that property rights are legitimate, & no one should interfere with another's business. It takes some kind of government to make such decisions as to who has what kind of rights. His utopia is based on "might makes right," & powers and rights must go to the ones with all the holdings. In Nozick's view, justice is for sale. B. Hudinger.

The university has become a battlefield of the mentally violent as to the question of the part the university should play in modern industrialised society, in the communication between rich and poor, in the spiritual confusion that followed the lapse of Christianity. The old idea that the university is and should be the place where intelligent people withdraw for the purpose of autonomous, unengaged, religiously and politically unprejudiced, impartial theoretical thinking, is struggling for its life against the growing belief that the powers of theoretical thinking are no more than instruments for, and should not be used otherwise than, the purpose of changing society to one which is more just, more human, than the prevailing (capitalistic) structure. Rejecting the intimidative ways sometimes followed by both sides in defending their case, I do have sympathy with both sides: I still find enough reason(s) to believe that the university is somehow something different from a church or a political party or a pressure group, while knowing that the university never has been or could be, and firmly believing that it should not be, utterly aloof from human life in its fullness; and therefore I am prepared to advocate that the university ought to cultivate its relation to surrounding society, but in a way adapted to its own peculiarities, for the university may not outlive (as university) its being instrumentalized. The battlefield mentality ought to be exchanged by one of thoroughgoing philosophical reflexion by all people interested in the university's affairs. Knowing that they fulfill their fallible work within the cadres of a meaningful history in which also the university came to be, they should ponder, in the light of the continuity and discontinuity of history, about the task of the university of yesterday, of today and of tomorrow, in a non-exclusive disjunction.

Back in power after nearly twenty years of forced exile, the government of Juan Domingo Per6n fulfilled one of its most popularly acclaimed promises. Following a prolonged emotion-charged journey through the first Congress since the dissolution of that body in 1966, Argentina's new Foreign Investment Law (the "Law") became effective in December 1973. Law No. 20.577 regulates foreign direct investments, foreign credits and contracts involving payments abroad. Appearing almost simultaneously, Law No.20.575 requires registration with the government of all persons or entities who carry out any activity related to Argentina on behalf of foreign interests. The Foreign Investment Law was followed in February 1974 by a fundamental executive decree amplifying and interpreting the original statute. The Argentines were primarily inspired by the pioneering innovations of Decision 24, the foreign investment code approved by the Commission of the Cartagena Agreement in December 1970 for application in the Andean Pact countries. The Argentine measures attempt to improve the Andean system and adapt it to a new environment. Many of the questions dealt with by the two political entities are considered vital by much of the capital-importing, non-industrial world and by investors from the developed countries as well. As a result, a study of the Argentine rules in relation to their Andean antecedents should transcend its geographical limitations. In the conclusion of an article examining the implications of Decision 24, Professor Covey T. Oliver prophetically observed that the "Mesozoic Era of direct foreign investment has ended. .The future belongs to the adaptables and their lawyers." Further, he concludes that: "Decision 24 will undoubtedly be influential in this evolution, just as 'Mexicanization' [to which United States capital has accommodated itself] was itself influential in the formulation of the Andean Code. Decision 24, therefore, deserves the thoughtful attention of all those who are willing to face the future, instead ...

The dedication of an annual issue of the Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, to the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Communities is an appropriate tribute to the significant contribution of the Community Court to the integration of the European Communities. The Court of Justice is perhaps the most remarkable and successful of the common institutions (Council, Commission, Parliament, and Court), which the process of European integration has produced thus far. The Communities--Common Market, Coal and Steel Community, and Euratom--have been beset by numerous political and economic problems; integration beyond the original Treaties, and sometimes within the original framework, has often been difficult and slow. Within its "federal" role, however, the Court has been uniquely successful in exercising the dual purpose of insuring the legality of Community law-making and of integrating the national judicial systems in the area of Community law. Much literature has been devoted to the various aspects of the Court's jurisdiction and its extensive case law; therefore this introduction will focus only on the increasingly complex relationship between the Community Court and the national courts and on the successful accommodation of the two legal systems to one another. Although national courts initially resisted the role of the Community Court as the final arbiter in questions concerning the validity and interpretation of Community law, the growing use of the referral procedure under article 177 of the Treaty of Rome (discussed in Part I infra) indicates increasing coordination between the Community legal system and each national system. Accommodation has also been achieved with respect to the important constitutional problem of the authority of Community law over national law: national courts increasingly accept the Community Court's view of supremacy (see Part II infra). In one area, however, the process of accommodation by national courts to the Community legal system is reversed: national ...

A new concept is formulated, as a tool of analysis designed to cope with the unprecedented phenomena in world politics caused by the Arab embarbo, the oil prices set by OPEC, & the tremendous financial power acquired by its members. The new type of power is utterly different from the structural one embodied in a nation state, whose chief assets have been military strength &/or a modern economic/ technological potential. It is called systemic power, because it is effective only within a system, ie, the North-South system, & because its main source of power stems from the capability to cause disturbances in the functioning of that system, thus forcing a change in the behavior of the system & in the relationship of forces within that system. The conditions in world politics that made the emergence of systemic power possible are examined, particularly: (1) the decentralization of power--with well over 140 political units spread over all continents acting increasingly autonomously, (2) the interdependence of nations in the world market & international monetary system, & (3) the change in the dynamics of power itself, in the sense that the relative weight of the military force has been reduced in favor of the economic, technological & politico-diplomatic components of power. The use of force, though still an instrument of foreign policy, is becoming less efficient & productive. Special focus is placed on the North-South system with its glaring inequalities; OPEC oil prices represent the first attempt to reverse the trend of the 'widening gap'. A model is offered for resolution of the energy crisis, based on the new relationship of forces between the North & the South. To make such a model functional in our interdependent world, it must be integrated into a new international economic order with the same principles & behavior. Modified HA.

3 arguments against civil disobedience by C. Cohen (CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: CONSCIENCE, TACTICS, AND THE LAW, New York, NY: Columbia U Press, 1971), J. P. Plamenatz (CONSENT, FREEDOM, AND POLITICAL OBLIGATION, London, England: Oxford U Press, 1968), S. Hook ("Law, Justice and Obedience," LAW AND PHILOSOPHY, S. Hook, Ed, New York, NY: New York U Press, 1964) are cited which gain whatever credibility they possess from a confusion between mass democracy & imperfect democracy; the latter better captures what is ordinarily meant by "democracy" than the former. To understand this reasoning, it is necessary to distinguish 3 distinct uses of the term: (1) ideal democracy signifies a set of ideals such as human dignity, liberty, & equality, (2) mass democracy (as defined by Plamenatz) is "government by persons who are freely chosen by, & responsible to, the governed," (3) imperfect democracy is a form of government which seeks to actualize ideal democracy using means consistent with democratic ideals, & sees itself as a yet imperfect attempt in that direction. As an imperfect democracy may behave in ways that are not only undemocratic, but may even make a mockery of democracy, the commitment to the goal of ideal democracy may impose a duty on the democrat to disobey the law, even though it was enacted by procedures that could be described as democratic. In IN DEFENSE OF TERMINOLOGICAL SOBRIETY: A REPLY TO PROFESSOR KELLNER, Sidney Hook (New York U, NY) contends that Kellner identifies "ideal" democracy with certain terms of ethical discourse--dignity, liberty, equality--which have nothing to do with democracy, which is a form of government. Although a sense of ethical obligation may sometimes move a democrat to civil disobedience in a democracy, only a definitional confusion could enable the disobedient citizen to maintain that he was acting as a democrat in disobeying a democratically enacted law. Modified Author's Summary.

Revisionist theories of the state have stressed the state's role in bourgeois society as one that necessarily gives it a certain autonomy permitting it to work for socialist goals. This outlook implicitly supports the ruling class by making its interests appear to harmonize with those of the Wc. The state is asserted to have the power to distribute the social product; this in fact is an illusion supported by experience under boom conditions, & used to rationalize class pluralism. Income distribution actually cannot be separated as a problem from the circulation of capital. State interventions are necessary to maintain capitalist society, as Marx recognized, & capitalism is the precondition for such interventions being needed. The political & economic struggles of the Wc now take new forms, focused on issues in which the state cannot play an effective rationalizing role, In A Reply to Muller and Neususs, Jurgen Habermas argues that the state can only be instrumental for the economy by supplementing it. The state serves four functions: (1) creating a legal & institutional framework for the market, (2) opening up new possibilities for organization, (3) replacing the market in certan areas, & (4) meeting demands of organized groups. To serve these functions, it must be seen as legitimate. Legitimation is a new problem of a new system: not the self-steering market, but a productive apparatus controlled by the state. In Further Comments on Muller and Neususs, Claus Offe (Max Planck Instit, Starnberg, Germany) argues that the Muller-Neususs critique confuses state socialism with revisionism. The state is not a free-floating moral sphere, but a necessary apparatus of production. The concept of state socialism defines the role of the state within a bourgeois society for which it occupies this role. The state does play an instrumental role in limiting class conflict, removing the appearance of labor-capital antagonism. Muller & Neususs have not dealt with, but avoided, this issue. W. H. Stoddard.

Au caeur du débat sur les corporations multinationales se trouve la question de déterminer si ces corporations agissent en « bons citoyens » Cependant, les critères à utiliser dans une telle analyse n'ont pas retenu l'attention des politicologues, économistes, sociologues et théoriciens en organisation. Certains des critères rencontrés dans les débats actuels et la situation de divers types de corporations par rapport à ces critères font l'objet de cette étude. Les donnés révèlent que, pour certain critères, la nationalité des propiétaires est importante mais que, pour d'autres critères, on observe davantage de variation entre types de corporation qu'entre propriétaires de différentes nationalités. Un nombre de questions sont soulevés au sujet de l'identification du critère le plus important et au sujet de la configuration de critères necessaires pour definir le « bon citoyen corporatif » Il s'agit d'une étude d'exploration visant à soulever des questions concernant un problème relativement peu travaillé en théorie de l'organisation.The question of what is "good corporate citizenship" is presently a central issue in the national debate regarding multinational corporations. However, the criteria used to answer this question have not been dealt with in detail by political scientists, economists, sociologists, or organizational theorists. Some of the criteria which have been raised in the current debate and the extent to which various types of corporations perform in terms of each criterion are examined. The data show that for some criteria the nationality of the corporate owners is important, but for other criteria variations occur between types of corporations rather than between the nationality of the owners. A number of questions are raised regarding which criterion is the most important and which combinations of criteria are necessary in order to determine "good corporate citizenship" in Canada. The paper is exploratory and intended to raise questions for discussion on this relatively unexplored problem in organizational theory.

Watergate has prompted a good many voices to proclaim the urgent need for a return to constitutional government. I would like to take advantage of the current public interest in a higher morality in politics to make the case for moving up to an even higher level of politics, to a pattern of politics that I have dubbed "Prophetic Politics." In making my case I should like to explore, compare, and criticize four patterns of politics that inevitably get pulled into the dialogue. These four are "Prophetic Politics," "Machiavellian Politics" (illustrated so notoriously by Watergate), "Utopian Politics" (whose principles and practices must be distinguished from "Prophetic Politics," if "Prophetic Politics" is to get a fair hearing by political realists), and "Constitutional Politics" (whose strength is being sorely tested by the Watergate revelations). I will try in this article to indicate why, indeed, I believe we must move up to a new level in politics; why we have to be on guard against and reject "Machiavellian Politics," why it is important to distinguish between "Prophetic" and "Utopian Politics," and why a return to "Constitutional Politics" is good but not good enough. I shall argue that there is a striking similarity between our answer to the "why" question—"Why must we move up to a new level of politics?"— and the central characteristics of "Prophetic Politics." I shall identify the strengths and weaknesses of "Machiavellian," "Constitutional," and "Utopian Politics" and indicate how the practitioners of "Prophetic Politics," while true to its central principles, can incorporate the strengths while avoiding the weaknesses of the other three patterns. I hope this analysis will place our current alarm and concern about Watergate in a larger theoretical perspective, and enable us to derive some larger value from the outpouring revelations of the media.

Petitioner Lubin desired to be placed on the ballot in the primary election for nomination to a position on the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. He was denied the papers requisite to ballot placement, however, because he was unable to pay the filing fee, a mandatory precondition to ballot placement in California. Although California statutes permit write-in votes, they are not counted unless the write-in candidate pays the filing fee prior to the election. Seeking invalidation of the statutes, Petitioner filed suit in the Los Angeles County Superior Court, alleging that he was a serious candidate who did not pay the filing fee solely because he was indigent. The superior court upheld the state's requirement, finding that the fees were reasonable, as a matter of law. The California Court of Appeals and the California Supreme Court denied Petitioner's application for a writ of mandate; the United States Supreme Court granted certiorari, and reversed. Held: "[I] n the absence of reasonable alternative means of ballot access, a State may not, consistent with constitutional standards, require from an indigent candidate filing fees he cannot pay." Lubin v. Panish, 415 U.S. 709, 718 (1974). This note analyzes the Lubin decision and its probable impact upon state election laws. It is suggested that the decision will result in the use of "optional fee schemes" to qualify candidates for ballot positions. Under such schemes, nonindigents must pay filing fees and indigents must evidence voter support by such methods as submitting petitions signed by a specified percentage of voters or winning the nomination of an established political party. It is argued that this optional fee scheme should not withstand constitutional attack because the use of a filing fee as a method of candidate qualification is not reasonably related to the state's legitimate interests in regulating candidate placement on the ballot. Moreover, the scheme imposes inherently unequal burdens upon candidates seeking ballot position solely on the ...